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PREFACE. 

About three j-ears ago, it was suggested that the writer 
prepare a history of Lawrence covering the period of its 
early settlement. Without realizing what was involved in 
such an undertaking, he consented. Since coming to under- 
stand the difficulties in the way he has often been inclined 
to withdraw his consent. It soon became evident that no 
history can ever be written which will be satisfactory to those 
who took part in those early struggles. It was a time of 
intense excitement, and those who passed through those 
scenes retain vivid impressions of them. Any description 
will seem tame compared with the graphic picture they have 
in mind. 

Then it is impossible to do justice to all the actors engaged. 
The movement that saved Kansas was of the people, rather 
than of the leaders. There were leaders, but they were 
leaders chiefly because they went before. They did not 
create the movement, nor the sentiment out of which it grew. 
The people moved towards Kansas of their own impulse. 
They did not go at the beck of any man. They followed 
certain men because they were going their way. If all the 
leaders had failed them they would have chosen others and 
gone on. They were moved by individual conviction and 
a common impulse. Men and women who have never been 
heard of displayed a spirit of self sacrifice and heroism as 
worthy of remembrance as anything history records of the 
noted names. No history can do honor to all who deserve it. 



>C, 



iv PREFACE. 

It is becoming quite common to under-rate the heroism 
that saved Kansas for freedom. The cold blooded historian 
goes mousing among old letters and he finds that these early 
heroes were men and women, of like frailties with ourselves. 
But the glory of heroism is not that angels come down to 
mingle in the affairs of men, but that common men and 
women, when the occasion demands, can rise to such 
sublime heights of heroism and self sacrifice. 

It becomes the people of Kansas to appreciate her own 
history and the men who laid the first foundations. It was the 
heroic age, and in the future it will take its place with 
Plymouth Rock and Lexington. 

The writer acknowledges his indebtedness to those who 
have written before him. It would be impossible to name all 
the writers who have been of service to him. The following 
are among the number: 

A. T. Andreas, History of the State of Kansas; especially 
his military history and county histories; Charles Robinson, 
The Kansas Conflict; Leverett W. Spring, Kansas; D. W. 
Wilder, Kansas Annals; Eli Thayer, The Kansas Crusade; 
J. H. Gihon, Governor Geary's Administration; United States 
Biographical Dictionary; J. N. Holloway, History of Kansas; 
W. A. Phillips, Conquest of Kansas; C. S. Gleed, Kansas 
Memorial; The publications of Kansas State Historical 
Society. 

The writer gladly acknowledges his special obligation to 
Hon. F. G. Adams of the State Historical Society who has at 
all times given him free access to the remarkable collection of 
early newspapers which are on file in the rooms of that insti- 
tution. 

Richard Cordlev. 



OO^^TENTS. 



PREFACE iii 

CHAPTER I. 

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill.— The North Aroused. — The Emigrant Aid 
Company. — EH Thayer, Amos A. Lawrence and Dr. Charles Rob- 
inson. — The First New England Emigrants Reach Mount Oread, 
Organize a Town Company and Lay Out the Town. — "What Shall 
We Call It? " — Pitching Tents and Building Cabins. — Pioneer 
Boarding House i 

CHAPTER H. 

Reinforcements. — The Disgust of the Kid-gloved Contingent. — First 
Sabbath Services. — The First Funeral. — Town Site Troubles. — 
"Shoot to Hit." — First Election for Delegate to Congress. — Judge 
Wakefield. — The First School. — Three Newspapers. — Winter in 
Tents and Cabins 15 

CHAPTER HL 

Spring Election, March 30th, 1855. — Excitement in Missouri. — An 
Army of Voters Invade Lawrence. — Missouri Voters Elect a Kansas 
Legislature. — Slavery Triumphant and Exultant. — Free-State Men 
Despondent and Indignant. — What Shall We Do? — Dr. Robinson's 
Policy. — " Bogus Legislature " Repudiated 28 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Conflict Begun. — The Dow Murder. — The Branson Rescue. — Sher- 
iff Jones Appeals to the Governor. — The Governor Calls Out the 
Militia.— Missouri Responds to the Call.— The Wiikarusa War.— 
The Army at Franklin. — Preparations for Defense 45 

CHAPTER V. 

Governor Shannon Alarmed. — Telegraphs the President for Regular 
Troops.— They Do Not Come. — The Governor Visits Lawrence.— 
Confers with the Free-State Men. — A Treaty of Peace —The 
Militia Go Home. — A Love Feast at Lawrence.— The Murder of 
Barber. — Old John Brown G2 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VI. 



A Hard Winter. — Conflict Takes a New Form in the Spring. — The 
Courts Come to the Rescue. — Judge Lecompte's Charge. — The 
Grand Jury's Indictment. — High Treason. — The Sacking of Law- 
rence. — Burning of the Free-State Hotel and Printing Offices 80 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Summer of 1856. — Outrages Everywhere. — Lawrence Invested by 
Pro-Slavery "Forts". — The Capture of Franklin, Fort Saunders and 
Fort Titus. — Titus a Prisoner. — Governor Shannon Makes Another 
Treaty. — Governor Shannon Resigns, — Daniel Woodson Acting 
Governor 104 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Retaliation. — Martial Law. — Militia Called Out. — Missouri Responds. 
— Tweny-eight Hundred March on Lawrence. — Governor John 
W. Geary Arrives. — Appears in Lawrence with Troops. — The 
Militia Sent Home.^" The Benign Influences of Peace." 123 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Bogus Legislature Again. — -Governor Gaary Comes into Collision 
with It. — He is Bitterly Assailed by Pro-Slavery Leaders. — Resigns 
in March. — Walker and Stanton. — Peace and Progress and Pros- 
perity. — Lawrence and her Voluntary City Government. — Martial 
Law Once More 138 

CHAPTER X. 

Lecompton Constitutional Convention. — The Census and Apportion- 
ment. — Free-State Men Ignore It. — Election of Territorial Legisla- 
ture.— Shall We Vote?— Free-State Men Carry the Election. — Ox- 
ford and the Cincinnati Directory. — Walker Throws Out the 
Fraudulent Returns. — Is Removed from Office 146 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Territorial Legislature Adjourns to Lawrence. — The Bogus Laws 
Sent Home. — The Lavrrence Charter. — A City Government at 
Last. — Samuel Medary Governor 154 



CONTENTS. VU 

CHAPTER XII. 

Lawrence in 1858. — The Ebb of the Tide. — Spring Immigration which 
Failed to Come. — The Underground Railroad. — Progress in Build- 
ing; In Churches. — Temperance in Lawrence. — The Drouth of 
i860. — The Last Territorial Legislature. — Kansas Admitted into the 
Union. — A Free State 161 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Beginning of the Civil War. — Exposed Condition of Kansas. — Her 
Interest in the Conflict. — The First Enlistments. — The Battle of 
Wilson's Creek. — The Contrabands.— Lawrence in Close Touch 
with the Soldiers 175 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Lawrence Raid. — Its Antecedents and Causes. — William C. Quan- 
trill, Its Unique Character. — Other Raids. — Its Unparalleled 
Brutality 187 

CHAPTER XV. 

The Lawrence Raid. — The Approach. — The Charge and the Surprise. 
— The Surrender of the Hotel. — The Burning and the Killing 
Begin. — Four Hours of Slaughter. — Marvelous Escapes. — The 
Heroism of the Women 198 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Lawrence Raid. — The Departure and Pursuit. — The Scene Left 
Behind. — The Burial of the Dead. — The Ruin and the Loss. — 
Sympathy and Help. — Rebuilding the Town 233 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Another Summer. — Lawrence Restored. — Improvements. — The New 
Bridge. — Enalrgement. — New Alarm. — Price is Coming. — Prep- 
arations for Defense. — Martial Law. — Militia Ordered Out. — The 
Battles on the Blue. — A Night of An.xiety. — "Joy Cometh in the 
Morning." — The War is Over. — Peace at Last 253 



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j^i''((ifii ({,, • 1/ I liN 



CHAPTER I. 

The Kansas-Nf:rraska Bill. — Thk North Aroused. — The 
Emigrant Aid Company. — Eli Thayer, Amos A. Law- 
rence AND Dr. Charles Rop.inson. — The First New 
England Emigrants Reach Mount Oread, Organize a 
Town Company and Lay Out the Town. — "What Shall 
We Call It ? " — Pitching Tents and Building Cahins. — 
Pioneer Boardinc; House. 

• 
When the Kansas-Nebraska hill passed, May 25, 1854, there 

\vas a feeling of despondency all over the north. The dis- 
cussion of the bill had been long and exciting, and the whole 
country had joined in it. It was discussed in every news- 
paper, in every gathering of citizens, in every school lyceum. 
It was everywhere felt that its passage opened Kansas to 
slavery, and that was thought to be equivalent to making 
Kansas a slave state. Kansas lay beyond Missouri, and 
Missouri was a slave state. The border counties of Missouri 
had a large slave population, and an intense pro-slavery 
sentiment. The south pressed the passage of the bill for 
the sole purpose of securing Kansas to slavery, and when the 
bill had passed she felt assured that her end was gained. In 
the natural order of things this conclusion would have been 
justified by the sequel. In the natural order of things the 
people of Missouri would have passed over into Kansas and 
shaped her institutions to suit themselves. Therefore the 
south was jubilant and the north despondent when the bill 
passed. 

But after the first shock was over, people began to ask 
"What can be done now?" The question so long discussed 
had taken too strong a hold on the public mind to be dropped. 
Congress had thrown the territory open to slavery. Was 
there any other way of keeping it out ? Mr. Eli Thayer, of 
1 



2 • A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Worcester, Massachusetts, proposed to meet the question on 
the terms of the bill itself. The bill provided that the people 
of the territory should themselves determine whether it should 
be slave or free. "Let us settle Kansas with people who 
will make it free by their own voice and vote." William H. 
Seward had foreshadowed this policy in a speech in the 
United States Senate. "Come on, then, gentlemen of the 
slave states. Since there is no escaping your challenge, we 
accept it in the name of freedom. We will engage in com- 
petition for the virgin soil of Kansas, and God give the victor}- 
to the side which is stronger in numbers, as it is in right." 

The contest, therefore, was transferred to the plains of 
Kansas. The north had been defeated in congress; she would 
try again in Kansas. In accordance with this purpose, 
"The Emigrant Aid Company" was formed in Massachusetts. 
Its purpose was to encourage and aid emigration to Kansas. 
Many leading men joined in the movement. Amos A. Law- 
rence, of Boston, a man of wealth and honor and large influ- 
ence, was prominent among those who gave the movement 
not only their sanction, but their active cooperation. These 
men never faltered in the long struggle, but were always 
ready with voice and purse to help the cause along. 

The interest was not confined to New England, but was 
o-eneral and widespread. The rising tide of anti-slavery 
sentiment was rapidly centering upon one practical point: 
"Slavery must not secure another foot of the public domain.". 
Men anxious to check slavery felt that here was the oppor- 
tunity to do something effective. They could not vote in 
congress, but they could go to Kansas, and vote, and that 
would accomplish the same thing. Even before the bill 
passed this thought began to mature, and people here and 
there were preparing for what they saw was coming. 

Early in May, 1854, the Barber brothers, Thomas W. and 
Oliver P., with Samuel Walker and Thomas M. Pearson, 



TO IHK CKOSK Ol' THK KI'.KKLI.ION. 3 

made a tour in the territory with a view to settlement. They 
had all been -'boys together" in Franklin county, Pennsyl- 
vania, but the Barbers now lived in Indiana. They came to 
Westport, Missouri, by public conveyance. Here they hired 
a half-breed Indian to take them over the territory with his 
team. They spent a night at "Blue Jacket Crossing" on the 
^^'akarusa, and passed over what was to be the site of 
Lawrence, passing up the spur of the hill south of where the 
university now stands. They went up as far as Topeka where 
there was an old-fashioned rope ferry; they then went across 
the prairies to Fort Leavenworth and then back to their 
home. The Kansas-Nebraska bill passed while they were in 
the territory. All four afterwards removed to Kansas, and 
were largely instrumental in inducing others to come. 

The most systematic and extensive movement, however, 
was made in New England. "The New England Emigrant 
Aid Company," which had been chartered by the legislature of 
Massachusetts in April, was then called "The Massachusetts 
Emigrant Aid Society." But afterwards a new charter was 
obtained for "The New England Emigrant Aid Company." 
The men engaged in it, Eli Thayer, Amos A. Lawrence, and 
others, began their work at once, arousing public interest and 
making arrangements to facilitate emigration to Kansas. As 
early as June, 1854, they sent Dr. Charles Robinson, of 
Fitchburg, and Mr. Charles H. Branscomb, of Holyoke, to 
explore the territor\' and select a site for a colony. Dr. 
Robinson was just the man for such a mission. Besides being 
in full sympathy with the ideas of Mr. Thayer, he knew the 
methods of the frontier. In 1849 he went to California with 
the gold seekers, and was a prominent actor in the stirring 
scenes which characterized the early history of that state. In 
those turbulent times he had been severely wounded, and had 
been put under arrest and kept in prison for several months. 
But he and his associates finally won the day, and California 



4 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

was saved from the rule of the thieves. He was just the man 
needed in the new emergency. He was cool of counsel and 
brave of heart, and knew the conditions he had to meet. In 
going to California he had passed over Kansas. He went by 
what was afterwards known as the ''California Road." This 
road began at Westport, crossed the Wakarusa beyond 
Franklin, and wound up the spur of the hill just southeast of 
the state university. It then passed along the high 
prairie which divides the A^alley of the Kansas river from 
that of the Wakarusa. Dr. Robinson and his party climbed 
the hill along this spur, and looked off over what was after- 
wards the site of Lawrence. They marked the beaut}' of 
the spot and the magnificence of the view. Whether they 
thought then of what might afterwards occur is not known; 
but when the time came to select a location for the first 
colony, Dr. Robinson remembered this view from the hilltop, 
and this doubtless had much to do in the final decision. 
When he was asked, therefore, to go and explore the country 
with a view to locating colonies, it was not altogether an 
unknown land to him. Neither was pioneering altogether a 
new experience to him. He knew something of the men and 
methods of pioneer life. On arriving in Kansas, Mr. Brans- 
comb and some others passed again over the Lawrence town 
site, while Dr. Rpbinson went up the Missouri river to Leav- 
enworth and other points. 

While these two gentlemen were exploring the territory, 
their friends were getting ready to send out the first party of 
emigrants. There were only twenty-nine in this first party, 
but they went out to prepare the way for others, and to show 
that the thing could be done. They were accompanied as 
far as Buffalo by Eli Thayer himself, the founder of "The 
New England Emigrant Aid Company." We quote a few 
paragraphs from his "Kansas Crusade:" 

"The pioneer colony left Boston July 17, 1854. Immense 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REREI.LION. 5 

crowds had gathered at the station to give them a parting 
God-speed. They moved out of tlie station amid the cheering 
of the crowds who Hned the track for several blocks. 

"The emigrants remained in Worcester the first night, and 
received a suitable ovation. Several of the leading citizens 
called upon them, and applauded their patriotic devotion, 
and pledging remembrance in any emergency. 

"The next day we were met in the evening at Albany by a 
good number of citizens who welcomed us with great cordi- 
ality. The next day we were cheered at all the principal 
stations as we passed on our westward journey. ' The presi- 
dent of the Monroe County Bible Society made an address, 
and presented the colony with a large and elegant Bible." 

They crossed Lake Erie in the steamer "Plymouth Rock," 
and went by way of Chicago to St. Louis. Here they were 
met by Dr. Robinson, who gave them the benefit of his exper- 
ience. He procured transportation for them on board the 
steamer "Polar Star," and they left St. Louis July 24th and 
arrived at Kansas City the Friday evening following, July 
27th. The journey from here is well described in a letter by 
Mr. B. R. Knapp, published in the Boston Ncivs, and dated 
August 9, 1854: 

"We prepared ourselves at once for starting. An ox team 
was purchased to transport the baggage and at ten o'clock 
Saturday evening we started on foot for our destination across 
the prairie. We traveled as much as possible during the 
night as the weather was very hot during the middle of the 
day. We saw occasionally a log house as we passed along, 
inhabited by farmers, of whom we obtained milk, etc. On 
the evening of Sunday we encamped on the lands of the 
Shawnee Indians. On Monday morning we started early, 
and in the evening arrived at the Wakarusa river, within ten 
miles of our destination. Here we camped, and the next day 
reached our new home. Here we established our camp, and 



6 A HISTORY OF LAWRENXE 

pitched our twenty-five tents, which made a fine appearance 
though somewhat soiled. On Wednesday the second day of 
August, we went to work setting up our claim to the lands, 
and preparing for permanent settlement." The following are 
the names of this first party: E. Davenport, A. Holman, 
Ben. Merriam, J. F. Morgan, A. H. Mallory, J. W. Russell, 
E. Conant, F. Fuller, G. W. Hewes, Dr. S. C. Harrington, A. 
Philbrick, J. D. Stevens, E. White, W. H. Hewes, John 
Maile}', Sam'l F. Tappan, D. R. Anthony, H. Cameron, G. 
W. Hutchinson, George Thatcher, J. M. Jones, Dr. John 
Doy, A. Fowler, G. W. Goss, August Hillpath, O. Harlow, 
Arthur Gunter, J. C. Archibald, B. R. Knapp. 

This party arrived August ist. They ate their first meal 
on the hill where the old University building now stands. 
Of course they held a "meeting" and "organized." Some- 
one has said that "wherever two or three Yankees are met 
together there they hold a meeting and organize." The 
meeting chose Ferdinand Fuller as chairman. They were in 

good position to 

" View the landscape o'er," 

which they proceeded to do. They also had some speeches, 
and discussed the merits of the location and the best methods 
of procedure. The situation seemed to please them, and they 
voted to "stay here." They named the hill on which they 
met "Mount Oread," a name which it bears "unto this day." 
They remained on the hill a day or two, and then moved 
down, and camped near the Kansas river a little west of where 
the bridge now crosses that stream. The members of the 
party spent several days " claim hunting," and selected claims 
all around the proposed town site. After this was done, 
about half the party returned east, with the intention of 
bringing their families in the spring. 

The second party of emigrants left Boston the last of 
August. It was a much larger party than the first, having 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHEELION. 7 

sixty-seven numbers when leaving Boston. They received 
accessions on the way, swelling their numbers to one hundred 
and fourteen. There were eight or ten ladies in the company, 
and several children. There were several musicians, among 
them Joseph and Forest Savage from Hartford, Vermont. 
These musicians had their instruments with them, and en- 
livened the journey with music whenever opportunity offered. 
Before starting they assembled in the Boston and Worcester 
station in Boston, and sang and played Whittier's "Hymn of 
the Kansas Emigrant," which became a sort of national hymn . 
to the colonists. These musicians became afterwards the 
nucleus of the "Lawrence Band" and were its main reliance 
for man}- years. The}' did noble service in stimulating an 
interest in music in the early times. 

The following is Whittier's "Song of the Kansas Emigrant:" 

" We cross the prairie as of old 
The fathers crossed the sea. 
To make the West, as they the East, 
Tlie homestead of the free. 

■■ We so to rear a wall of men 

On Freedom's southern line. 
And plant beside the cotton tree 
The rugged northern pine. 

■"We're flowing from our native liills 

As our free rivers flow. 
The blessing of our mother land 

Is on us as we go. 

■• We go to plant the common scliool 
On distant prairie swells. 
And give the Sabbaths of the wilds 
The music of lier bells. 

•' Upbearing, like the ark of God. 
The Bible in our van. 
We go to test tlie truth of God 
.\gainst tlie fraud of man." 

The second party arrived at Lawrence or " Wakarusa," as 
it was then called, September gth. They had been led by 
Charles Robinson, who was afterwards the first governor of 



8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the state, and by Samuel C. Pomeroy, who was one of the first 
two United States senators. It contained a number of men 
who were afterwards prominent in Kansas affairs, and who 
will be remembered with interest by all old settlers. The 
following is a partial list of the members of the party: James 
F. Ayers, Joseph W. Ackley, S. F. Atwood, Lewis H. Bacon, 
Edwin Bond, F. A. Bailey, Owen T. Bassett, Susan Bassett, 
H. N. Bent, William Bruce, Mrs. Bruce, Mrs. Bond, F. L. 
Crane, Joseph H. Cracklin, Willard Colburn, Mrs. Colburn, 
Jared Carter, Ed. Dennett, J. S. Emery, George F. Earle, 
Milan Grant, Mrs. Grant, Levi Gates, Mrs. Gates, George 
Gilbert, Joel Grover, Azro Hazen, H. A. Hancock, O. A. 
Hanscom, W. A. Hood, Franklin Haskell, Lewis Howell, 
W. H. Hovey, R. J. Hooten, S. N. Hartwell, C. Hobart, 
Alfonso Jones, H. A. Fick, Mrs. Jones, Wilder Knight, Mrs. 
Knight, Ed. Knight, G. W. Knight, Miss Knight, D. B. 
Trask, W. Kitcherman, E. D. Ladd, J. A. Ladd, Luke P. 
Lincoln, Lewis L. Litchfield, Lewis T. Litchfield, Mrs. 
Litchfield, Otis H. Lamb, Samuel Merrill J. S. Mott, John 
Mack, J. N. Mace, Mrs. Mace, J. H. Muzzy, Caleb S. Pratt, 
S. J. Pratt, Samuel C. Pomeroy, A. J. Payne, Charles Rob- 
inson, Thomas F. Reynolds, E. E. Ropes, Charles W. Smith, 
Joseph Savage, Forest Savage, Jacob Strout, Mrs. Strout, 
Matthew H. Spittle, A. D. Searl, F. A. Tolles, J. B. Taft, 
Owen Taylor, Mrs. Taylor, John Waite, S. J. Willis, Mrs. 
Willis, Sol. Willis, E. W. Winslow, Silas W^ayne, Mrs. 
W^ayne, Ira W. Younglove, J. Sawyer, Mrs. Carter. Rev. S. 
Y. Lum, Mrs. Lum, and Miss Anna Tappan, arrived about 
the same time by a different route, and were reckoned with 
the second party. Mr. Lum preached the first sermon 
preached in Lawrence, a few days after his arrival. 

When the second party arrived they met the members of 
the first party and soon agreed upon terms of union with 
them in laying out the town. The members of the party were 




MAP OF THE CITY OF LAWRENCE, 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 9 

soon scattered here and there seeking claims for themselves. 
September i8th a meeting of the settlers was held to effect a 
town organization. The necessity for this arose from the 
fact that there were no laws regulating such matters. The 
only thing they could do was to set up a sort of voluntary 
municipal government. This meeting adopted a constitution 
and agreed upon rules for the choice of claims. The next 
day officers were chosen, and a full city government set up. 
Dr. Charles Robinson was chosen president; Ferdinand 
Fuller, vice-president; Caleb S. Pratt, secretary; Levi Gates, 
treasurer; E. D. Ladd, register of deeds; A. D. Searl, sur- 
veyor; Joel Grover, marshal. The councilmen were Messrs. 
J. S. Emer}% J. F. Morgan, Franklin Haskell. S. C. Harring- 
ton, A. H. Mallory, Samuel F. Tappan, S. P. Lincoln, S. J. 
Willis, N. T. Johnson, Joseph H. Cracklin. At an early 
meeting of the council the principles of the Maine law were 
proposed, and adopted almost unanimously. Thus Lawrence 
commenced its being as a prohibition town. 

September 20th another public meeting was held by mem- 
bers of the first and second parties. Terms of agreement 
were arranged and unanimously adopted, by which they were 
to lay out the town together. It was agreed that the choice 
of shares should be sold to members of the town association. 
Time was allowed for payment, and the proceeds were to 1 
constitute a fund for public improvements. The choices were 
sold at prices varying from fifty cents to over three hundred , 
dollars. The fifty-six claims sold aggregated the sum of ^ 
$5,040. At the end of the year the association gave up the 
notes, and the obligation was cancelled and the money never 
called for. In the distribution of shares, lots were reserved 
for a college, for schools, for state buildings, and for other 
public purposes. 

At midnight of this same day, September 20th, the sur- 
veyor, A. D. Searl, with Charles W. Smith and three others, 



lO A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

went out upon the high ground on Massachusetts street, near 
the river, and took the observations necessary to establish the 
meridian line. September 25th the surveyor commenced the 
survey of the town, and marked off the lots and streets and 
reservations essentially as they stand today. 

The name of the town had not been determined upon. It 
had been called Wakarusa, Yankee-town, and NeAv Boston. 
After a full discussion it was decided to give it the name of 
Lawrence, after Amos A. Lawrence, of Boston. Mr. Law- 
rence was one of the first men of means to endorse the 
movement for the settlement of Kansas in the interest of 
freedom. He was a man of large wealth and belonged to 
one of the most distinguished New England families. He 
was also a man of wide personal influence. He w'as treasurer 
of " The New England Emigrant Aid Company," and a very 
liberal contributor to its funds. A little later he gave some 
twelve thousand dollars to help found a college at Lawrence, 
which ultimately became a part of the endowment of the 
state university. His interest in Kansas, and especially in 
Lawrence, never faltered. His father and uncle were 
Abbott and Amos Lawrence who were long distinguished 
in business and political circles in eastern Massachusetts. 
Abbott Lawrence had been a member of congress several 
times, and was minister to England for a number of 
years. Amos A. Lawrence inherited the wealth, and reputa- 
tion, and business capacity of the family. He also inherited 
their public spirit and large liberality. The naming of the 
first free state town in Kansas after him was a very fitting 
recognition. 

The following letter from Mr. Lawrence, written for the 
Old Settlers meeting but not received in time for that meet- 
ing, shows something of the spirit of the man and of the 
condition of the times. It has never before been made 
public. It was sent in response to an invitation from the 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REHEI.I.ION. II 

secretary, Mr. Charles W. Smith, to be present at the meet- 
ing: 

"(Near) Boston, August i6th, 1877. 

" To the Old Settlers' Association : 

" Dear Friends: — Your kind and pressing invitation, signed with your 
own hands, to be present at your yearly meeting, came close on that of the 
chancellor of the university to be present at the dedication of the new 
building. The same causes which keep me here, and made me decline the 
former, force me reluctantly to decline yours. If there are any faces on 
earth I wish to see they are yours. 

"You are good enough to say that 'free Kansas is indebted to no man 
more than yourself in her days of darkness and trial, and many, very many, 
of our people desire to see your face, and welcome you to our state.' For 
the last I thank you with all my heart. But as to the first, permit me for 
once to differ from you, and direct your notice to others who rendered much 
greater service. 

" Eli Thayer preached the ' Kansas Crusade.' He originated and organ- 
ized the ' Emigrant Aid Society ' in opposition to the plans of southern 
statesmen and politicians. Early in 1854, several months before the passage 
of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, he wrote the charter of that company, and 
secured its passage through the Massachusetts Legislature, of which he was 
a member. He it was more than any other who turned the tide of northern 
emigration that year, and made Kansas a free state. He traversed the 
northern states, and aroused the people, depicting the glories of that 
country, and urging the emigrants not to turn away from it, but to go on 
and possess it. He never faltered in his faith, and he inspired confidence 
everywhere. 

" There was Charles Robinson, whom you chose your leader and gov- 
ernor. He was to you in that day what Moses was to the Israelites. When 
the action of the government was adverse to your interests; when Reeder 
and Geary were removed; when Atchison, the acting vice-president, left his 
seat in the senate to lead the border ruffians, and to drive you out with fire 
and sword, it was Robinson more than any other man who held the people 
firm in their allegiance to the United States. He had to fight not only the 
enemy but his friends. He was the representative of law and order, and 
so under Providence the public sentiment of the country was kept in your 
favor. 

"You know who helped the cause there. Besides those who are now 
members of the association, there were many devoted men and women, 
who will never be known abroad; some of whom laid down their lives; and 



12 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

all of whom endured hardships and privations. Let us thank God for the 
good results and take courage. He governs the nations and individuals. 

" And now good friends, for the present farewell. We may hope to meet 
on some other occasion. At any rate the time is not far distant when we 
may hope for a reunion which shall be forevermore. With great respect 
and affection, I am and shall ever remain, 

" Yours, 
" Addressed to "Amos A. Lawrence. 

"C. W. Smith, Lawrence, Kansas, 

" Secretary of the Association of Old Settlers." 

Rev. Charles B. Boyington, of Cincinnati, in a book written 
about this time, describes Lawrence as she then appeared: 

" A few tents were pitched on high ground overlooking the 
Kansas and Wakarusa valle3's; others were scattered over the 
level bottom lands below, but not a dwelling besides could 
be seen. It was a city of tents alone. We had a comfortable 
night's rest in Dr. Robinson's tent, and in the morning were 
introduced to the only boarding house on the hill. Two very 
intelligent ladies from Massachusetts had united their forces 
and interests and taken boarders. In the open air, on some 
logs of wood, two rough boards were laid across for a table, 
and on wash-tubs, kegs and blocks, they and tlieir boarders 
were seated around it. This was the first boarding house in 
the city of Lawrence. All were cheerful, hopeful and full of 
energy, and the scene reminded me of Pl^anouth Rock." 

These energetic people now began to build the town, 
living in tents meanwhile. The}' built under disadvantages. 
One of these disadvantages was the lack of lumber. A saw- 
mill had been promised, but had not arrived. Another mill 
was purchased later in the season, but was not put in opera- 
tion for several months. In the meantime winter was coming 
on, when tents would not be as comfortable as in the hot days 
of summer. The people adopted many devices to shelter 
themselves. The first house built was a log cabin, about 
fourteen feet square. It stood not far from the river being 



TO THE CLOSE OK IHi: RKHELMON. 1 3 

nearly where Pierson's mill now stands. It was still in 
existence until a few years ago. It was not a very good 
specimen of even a log cabin. The logs were small and the 
openings between them were large. There had not been 
the careful matching which usually characterizes log cabins in 
the woods. But log cabins even of this inferior kind could 
hardly be numerous in a prairie country. Other methods 
were better suited to the situation. The sod house, which 
has since played such an important part in the settlement of 
the treeless plains, was not )'et fully evolved. Sods were 
sometimes used for walls, but not for the entire structure, as 
has been the case in later years. A style of building became 
quite common, which seems to have been almost peculiar to 
Lawrence and to that time. It was called " the hay tent. " 
It was built by setting up two rows of poles, then bringing 
the poles together at the top and thatching the sides with 
prairie hay. The house was all roof and gable. The win- 
dows and doors were at the ends. The gables were built up 
with sod walls. The "Pioneer Boarding House " was of this 
sort. It was fifty feet long and twenty feet wide. Here the 
first sermon was preached by Rev. S. Y. Lum. Some trunks 
were used for a pulpit, and the beds and boxes of the board- 
ers served as seats. Here Plymouth Church was organized, 
October 15th, 1854. This building answered all public pur- 
poses, as well as furnishing room and board for the people. 
This building was burned during the autumn and the "St. 
Nicholas" w^as built in the same way, and thrown open to the 
public. In addition to its walls of poles and hay, this house 
was banked up with sod to the height of three or four feet, 
and was lined inside with cotton cloth. It was the leading hotel. 
All the aristocracy of the place boarded there. The only 
frame house built the first season was that of Rev. S. Y. Lum. 
There being no saw-mill, no boards could be obtained. As a 
substitute for clapboards they resorted to "shakes." A 



14 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

" shake " is made by sawing off blocks of timber about thirty- 
two inches long, and splitting them somewhat after the 
manner of making shingles. These "shakes" were nailed 
on the studding like clapboards. If nicely split and well put 
on they made a very fair wall. The wind, however, found its 
way through them in the winter time in a manner that pro- 
vided abundant ventilation. With these different styles of 
architecture, and with the tents that remained, the people 
passed the first winter quite comfortabl3\ It was a very mild 
winter, and they thought the}' had found the American Italy. 



CHAPTER II. 

Reinforcements. — The Disgust of the Kid-gi.oved Contin- 
gent. — First Sabbath Services. — The First Funeral. 
Town Site Troubles. — "Shoot to Hit." — First Elec- 
tion FOR Delegate to Congress. — Judge Wakefield. — 
The First School. — Three Newsi'apers. — Winter in 
Tents and Cabins. 

Three or four other parties came from the east during the 
first season, about seven hundred and fifty persons in all. 
These were by no means all who came. Immigrants came 
singly or in groups from different parts of the country. A 
number of prominent free-state men were on the ground when 
the first party from Boston arrived. On the other hand, 
several of those who came in these parties, became disgusted 
when they saw the true situation. This was especially true of 
the third party who arrived early in October. The movement 
by this time had attracted wide attention, and the colonists 
had sent back glowing accounts of the country. These 
accounts were interpreted by a vivid imagination, and a number 
of soft-slippered people such as they would call " tenderfeet " 
in Colorado, enlisted, w^ho expected to find an earthly 
paradise. When they came and found only a few tents and 
a few thatched hovels, their disgust knew no bounds. They 
were looking for hotels with all the modern conveniences, and 
expecting to find good positions waiting for them in large 
business establishments. After exhausting their vocabulary 
in denouncing the leaders who had " deceived them " and 
induced them to come to such a barbarous place, and the 
people of Lawrence for not providing for them in a more 
appropriate way, they turned on their heels and "went back 
to their folks." But most of those who came were of differ- 
ent stuff, and were prepared to " endure hardships as good 



1 6 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

soldiers." Even these had all the hardships they cared for 
before they were through. But they did not falter as diffi- 
culties increased, but 

"Their coiirajio rose with danger." 

Andreas in his history quotes from a letter in the Boston 
Recorder describing the first funeral in Lav\Tence. The letter 
is dated October 5th, 1854. 

" Last Sabbath was my hvst prairie Sabbath; it was the first 
Sabbath our parties had assembled for the 'hearing of the word. ' 
Rev. Mr. Lum, sent us by the American Home Missionary 
Society, preached very acceptably. The place of meeting 
was one of the large receiving and boarding houses. We 
have two nearly adjoining each other, each of them about 
20 by 48 feet, covered and thatched with prairie grass, very 
warm and very good. We had a large and attentive audience. 
Rev. Mr. Boynton, of Cincinnati, sent us two boxes of books 
and pamphlets, which I distributed at the interval to a very 
eager crowd. All our people as well as others, miss their 
home papers and books, and are very anxious to get anything 
to read. 

"Though the Sabbath was delightful as my first prairie 
Sabbath, still there was one cloud that settled dark upon us; 
we had to open our first prairie grave. The call was for one 
of our own party, a near neighbor of mine, Moses Pomeroy, 
a fine young man, an only son, leaving parents and two sisters 
to mourn his loss. I have just finished long and very minute 
letters to each of them. Mr. Pomeroy left the party in 
Illinois. He joined Dr. R. and myself upon the following 
Tuesday at St. Louis, and came up the river with us. He 
said to me that all of his Illinois friends were sick of a fever, 
and after he was taken sick, he sent for me to come and see 
him, for he had got an Illinois fever. I went to see him on 
Thursday evening, September 28th, and found Dr. R. and 
Dr. H. in attendance. I saw he was very sick, and at his 



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TO THE CLOSE 01" THE REBELLION. I7 

request sat by him all night and ministered to his wants. 
Friday morning I was very bus}^ at our settlement. At even- 
ing he sent for me again. In company with Mr. Searl of our 
place, I stayed also Friday night. In the morning we were 
all fearful he would die. I was absent during the day. At 
evening Dr. R. and myself went again to see him. We both 
sat with him till three o'clock Saturday morning, when he 
quietly breathed his last. He had his reason and was very 
thankful for all our kindness to him. He had fallen among 
the kindest of friends, but they could not save him. 

"Sabbath evening at four o'clock his funeral was attended 
in our New England way, services very solemn and impressive 
at our grass church. All our large family followed in solemn 
processioij to the grave, and just as the sun was setting in a 
golden west, and all nature sinking to repose, we genth' laid 
him down to the long sleep of the tomb." 

As has been intimated the first Congregational Church was 
organized October 15th — the first church of any kind in 
Kansas except among the Indians. The church was formed 
in the " Pioneer Boarding House." Rev. Mr. Lum explained 
the object of the meeting, and a committee was appointed to 
draft rules. The creed and constitution were adapted from 
those of Mount Vernon Church, Boston. S. C. Pomeroy 
wrote them off, using the crown of his beaver hat for a desk; 
Mr. Joseph Savage held the inkstand for him, and Mr. O. A.. 
Hanscom held the candle. They voted to name it Plymouth 
Church on account of the close parallel between the Kansas 
settlers and the pilgrims at Plymouth. 

The only serious troubles the colonists met the first season 
were from claim difficulties. It is not easy at this distance to 
determine how much of this trouble arose from political 
reasons, and how much from misunderstanding and perhaps 
greed. • The political situation aggravated all other difficulties, 
and was doubtless responsible for a great many difficulties of 



l8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

its own. When the Kansas bill passed the people of the 
South expected to take possession of the territory. They 
urged those on the border to "move right over," and take 
their slaves with them. They said "two thousand slaves 
settled in Kansas would make it a slave state." But the 
southern people did not have the "courage of their convic- 
tions." They did not dare take their slaves over. There 
never were but a handful of slaves in Kansas, and these were 
on the border where they could be easily withdrawn. But 
southern people determined to take possession of Kansas, and 
as soon as the bill was passed the men in the border counties 
of Missouri began to rush over, and stake off claims. In a 
few weeks the whole region was claimed under the pre-emp- 
tion laws by persons residing in Missouri. They paid no 
attention to the terms of the law, but each man marked off 
the land he wanted, drove a stake down and wrote his name 
upon it, and went back home. This gave them no title and 
no claim because it did not comply with the law. But they 
agreed among themselves to shoot any man who interfered 
with them. When the real settlers came two months later 
they found many embarrassments. They might travel fifty 
miles and not see a human habitation or a human face, but if 
they attempted to claim a piece of unoccupied land, they 
found it already claimed by somebody in Missouri. This man 
had not complied with the law, and had secured no title, but 
then he had a revolver and a bowie knife, and in the unwritten 
code of the border these stood for law and right, and pretty 
much everything else. Many of these prior claims had been 
made before the country was open to settlement, or before 
the Indian title was extinguished, but these were "trifles 
light as air" in the minds of the men who were a "law unto 
themselves." They were all banded together, and pledged to 
stand by each other. Law or no law, they were determined 
to "keep the abolitionists out of Kansas." An end like this 
justified any means, as they viewed things. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. IQ 

The Lawrence dispute was somewhat pecuHar. Gov. 
Robinson in his "Conflict" gives a full and clear account of 
it from which this account is condensed. When the town site 
of Lawrence was first selected it was occupied b)' a Mr. 
Stearns who had improved a quarter section and was living 
upon it. The Emigrant Aid Company bought his claim for 
§500, and the ground was supposed to be clear. After taking 
possession, however, other claimants appeared and insisted 
that the town company should vacate for them. Among 
these other claimants was John Baldwin, a noisy, blustering 
fellow, who had others back of him who were wiser than he, 
and who were putting him forward. He established himself 
a few rods from the Stearns cabin which the town company 
had bought. The agent of the company, Dr. Robinson, pro- 
posed to let the matter rest till the question could be referred 
to the land office, or to the courts, where the rights of each 
could be legally determined. But this was not satisfactory to 
John Baldwin and his set. Their purpose was to drive off 
the free-state men, and prevent the founding of a free-state 
town. They had no case in law, and could only hope to 
succeed by bluster and force. The first conflict is described 
in Andreas' history as quoted in Robinson's "Conflict": 

"In the meantime Baldwin had associated with him 
Messrs. Babcock, Stone and Freeman, men of means and 
influence, and put the business in the hands of a speculator 
named Starr, who proceeded to lay out a rival city, which he 
named Excelsior, on the claim; Mr. Baldwin and the Lawrence 
association both occupying tents upon it. * * * On the 5th 
of October a wagon containing several armed men appeared 
in the vicinity of the New England tent. Hostilities were 
commenced by a woman (a sister of Baldwin, it was stated) 
who speedily packed the obnoxious tent with its contents 
into the wagon, the men with their rifles standing guard. As 
soon as they were discovered by the Yankees, who were at 



20 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

work in the neighborhood, the city marshal, Joel Grover, 
rushed to the rescue unarmed, followed by Edwin Bond with 
a revolver. The latter seized the horse by the bridle, order- 
ing the surrender of the propert}'. Others coming up, they 
allowed the tent to be replaced, but threatened that they 
would have two hundred Missourians on the spot in a short 
time. That night the Lawrence settlers organized what they 
called the "Regulating Band," to be ready for the next day's 
fray. Soon after dinner on the 6th the Missourians * * * 
began to assemble in the neighborhood of Baldwin's tent, but 
open hostilities did not commence until four o'clock, when the 
gage of battle was hurled at the Yankees in the shape of the 

following note: 

" Kansas Territory, October 6th. 

"Dr. Robinson: — Yourself and friends are hereby notified that you will 

have one-half hour to move the tent which you have on my undisputed 

claim, and from this date desist from surveying on said claim. If the tent 

is not moved in one-half hour, we shall take the trouble to move the same. 

" (Signed) John Baldwin and Friends. 

"The following reply was instantl}' returned: 

"70 John Baldivin and Friends: 

" If you molest our property you do it at your peril. 

" C. Robinson and Friends." 

E. D. Ladd, the first postmaster of Lawrence, tells the 
remainder of the story in a letter dated October 23, 1854, and 
published in the Milwaukee SciiUiic/: 

"Prior to the notice they had assembled to the number of 
eighteen, mounted and armed, at Baldwin's, the aggrieved 
man's tent, on the claim and about twenty rods from our 
camp. On notice being served, our men, those who were at 
work about and in the vicinity, to the number of about thirty, 
stationed themselves about ten rods from the contested tent, 
the enemy being about the same distance from it. Subsequent 
to the notice a consultation was held at our position between 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 21 

Dr. Robinson and a delegate from the enemy's post, which 
ended in the proposition of Dr. Robinson * * * jq submit 
the question in dispute to the arbitration ot disinterested and 
unbiased men, to the adjudication of the squatter courts now 
existing here, or to the United States court; and on the part 
of the enemy that on the termination of tlie notice they should 
proceed at all hazards to remove the tent. If they fell in the 
attempt our fate was sealed, our extermination certain, for 
three thousand, and if necessary thirty thousand, men would 
immediately be raised in Missouri to sweep us and our enter- 
prise from the face of the earth. It was all e.xpressed of 
course in southwestern phrase, which I will not attempt to 
give. * * * Well, the half hour passed, and another quarter, 
the eneni}' occasionally making a movement as if about to 
form for the execution of the threat, then seating themselves 
on the ground for further consultation. While thus waiting 
John Hutchinson asked Dr. Robinson what they should do if 
they should attempt to remove the tent. Should they fire to 
hit, or fire over them ? Robinson replied that he would be 
ashamed to shoot at a man and not hit him. Immediately 
after this reply a man who had been with the free-state men, 
and till then supposed to be one of them, went over to the 
other party, which soon after dispersed. It was supposed at 
the time that the report of the spy brought the "war" to an 
end for that day. After the band had mounted and dispersed 
the principals and principal instigators avoided our neighbor- 
hood. Some of the more honest dupes, seeing the absurdity 
of their position, and the reasonableness of our proposition, 
came up to us and had a social chat, and went off with a 
determination never to be caught in such a farce again." 

This little encounter did not end the matter, but there was 
no fighting. The Missourians did not care to encounter men 
who would "shoot to hit." But they kept up the disturbance 
for a long time and missed no opportunity of annoying the 



22 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

settlers. Once some of them undertook to tear down Dr. 
Robinson's house, but a few men, G. W. Deitzler, S. N. Wood 
and S. N. Simpson, who were in the habit of "shooting to 
hit," rushed to the rescue, and the ruffians got out of range. 
After a while the title to the Lawrence town site was quieted, 
but not without a long struggle and a good deal of bitterness. 

The first election held was for a delegate to congress, Nov- 
ember 26. Not much interest was taken in it, though the 
influx of voters from Missouri gave a hint of what might be 
expected in more important elections. The little town of 
Douglas, not far away, with only fifty legal voters, cast two 
hundred and eighty-three votes, thus more than out-voting 
Lawrence with many times the population. At Lawrence the 
larger portion of the votes were cast for Judge J. A. Wakefield, 
who . lived but a few miles away. He was a plain, honest 
man, a hearty free-soiler, and a unique character, such as are 
only developed amid the peculiar conditions of those early 
times. He had served under Lincoln in the Black Hawk 
war, and had waded through swamps where "the men sank 
up to their knees and the horses sunk in furder. " He was 
enthusiastic, earnest and honest, and in speech was most 
amusing when most serious. William A. Phillips, in his 
"Conquest of Kansas," thus describes him: 

♦'As a free state man, the judge is unquestionably reliable. 
He is a western man, and no abolitionist. But, as he ex- 
plained in a speech we once heard him make, he was 'a free- 
soiler up to the hub — hub and all.' The judge is a character 
in his way. His public speeches and private conversation 
are characterized by a style and enunciation decidedly pro- 
vincial, and his grammar sets up a standard somewhat inde- 
pendent of Lindley Murray. But he is sound and shrewd in 
his opinions, and honest to the core." In a speech made 
during the campaign the judge said he was born in South 
Carolina, raised in Kentucky, he had lived in free states, and 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 23 

had been a pioneer all his life. The judge received the 
greater portion of the vote at Lawrence, and the vote at Law- 
rence was the greater portion of the vote he received. Gen- 
eral J. W. Whkefield, the pro-slavery candidate, was elected 
by a large majority, more than half his vote being imported 
from Missouri.. 

On the sixteenth day of January the first school was opened. 
Mr. E. P. Fitch was the teacher. There was no law by 
which taxes could be levied, so the people maintained the 
school by voluntary contributions, and threw it open to all the 
children. It was a free school, so far at least that no charge 
was made for attendance. The school was not large but the 
work done was good. Lawrence was bound to begin right, 
and she began with a free school. Mr. E. P. Fitch taught 
the school for about three months, and then others took it 
up. It was not easy to maintain a school, but there was no 
year without one. 

A Bible class was formed the first Sunday in October. 
There would have been a Sunday school formed also, but 
there were not children enough. As other parties arrived, 
however, there were more families among them, and the first 
Sunday in January a Sunday school was formed, of which Mr. ' 
S. N. Simpson was superintendent, and after him Mr. C. L. - 
Edwards. A little after this a mission Sunday school was 
formed a few miles east of town. These schools were held 
wherever a place could be found for them, and were often 
interrupted by the disturbed state of affairs. 

It is not easy to determine which was the first newspaper 
established in Lawrence. There were three, each claiming 
to be the first, and each being able to make its claim good, if 
you will follow its own line of proof. The first number of the 
Herald of Freedom was dated at Wakarusa, October 21, 1854. 
It was edited and printed, however, at Conneautville, Penn- 
sylvania, and 21,000 copies distributed from there. The 



24 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

material was then packed and sent to Lawrence. It was 
delayed on the wa}', and the second number of the paper 
appeared in January. Mr. G. W. Brown had meanwhile 
moved to Lawrence, erected a building of unseasoned boards 
in which he set up his printing office. The paper was ably 
conducted, and for a time had a large circulation at the east. 

The last of September John Speer and his brother J. L. 
Speer came from Ohio to Lawrence. They prepared the 
copy for a paper, and tried to get it printed in an office at 
Kansas City. But the proprietors being pro-slavery refused to 
do the work. They then went through a similar experience 
with the Leavenworth Herald. Mr. John Speer returned to 
his home at Mendina, Ohio, and issued the paper from that 
place October 15th. He returned at once to Lawrence and 
issued the first number of the Kansas Tribune January 5, 
1855. Mr. Josiah Miller visited Kansas in August of 1854, 
with a view of establishing a paper. Like the others, he was 
hindered in getting his material on the ground. At last he 
was able to issue the fii'st number of the Kansas Free State, 
dated January 3, 1855, being the first paper actually printed 
in Lawrence. The paper announced that it was published 
from an office that had neither "floor, ceiling nor window- 
sash." Mr. Miller had associated with him Mr. R. G. Elliott, 
who afterwards held important positions. 

The coming of three such men to Lawrence at the same 
time and on the same errand is significant. They were as 
different as men could be, and yet all were moved with the 
same purpose. Mr. Brown was a man of experience and of 
various resources. He was a good writer, and his paper was 
handsome and well filled. He was self-willed, however, and 
strong in his antagonism, and often bitterly personal. After 
a few years he abandoned journalism and returned to the 
practice of his profession in another state. 

John Speer was an easy-going, good-natured man, but a 



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TO IHK CLOSK OF THK REHKLLION, 25 

Sturdy friend of human freedom. He made no pretense to 
literary polish, but was a very fluent and effective writer. He 
had a wonderful memory, and could recall at any time the 
minutest details of all his large experience and wide range of 
miscellaneous reading. He was a strong politician and a mas- 
ter in the arts of political management. He has had a large 
and varied experience as a newspaper man in Kansas and may 
be called one of the veteran editors of the state. He is still 
living, honored for his long service in the interest of Kansas, 
and in the cause of freedom. 

Josiah Miller was different from either of these. He 
belonged to a class which was one of the unrecognized ele- ' 
ments in the Kansas problem. He was an anti-slavery man 
from the South. It was common to consider all immigrants 
from the South as in favor of slavery. But many of the most 
determined opponents of slavery were from the South. Mr. 
Miller's family were of Scotch descent and of the Covenanter 
faith. They brought with tliem all the love of freedom, and 
all the indomnitable persistence for which that people have 
been remarkable. They settled in South Carolina, and 
though able to own slaves never did own any. Robert H. 
Miller, the father of Judge Miller, had got himself into trouble 
through his anti-slavery proclivities. Their minister had said 
something imfavorable to* slavery and had been treated to a 
coat of tar and feathers, one of the favorite arguments with 
the pious defenders of the patriarchal institution. Mr. Miller 
undertook to prosecute the assailants, but his attorney was 
poisoned, and the case was thrown out of court. Soon after 
he was set upon by a lot of roughs and beaten almost to death. 
Trained in such a school, young Josiah Miller grew up with- 
out any great love for the peculiar institution of his native 
state. After graduating at the state university of Indiana 
and studying law, he threw himself into the Kansas struggle. 
He was a scholarly man and an able lawyer. He took a 



26 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

prominent part in the stirring events which followed. In the 
summer of 1856, he was siezed by some of Col. Buford's men 
and tried for treason to his native state, South Carolina. His 
life was in peril for a time but he was released from prison 
after a few weeks. In 1857 he was elected probate judge of 
Douglas county, when the probate court covered a good part 
of the judicial business of the county. He was a member of 
the first state senate in 1861, and as chairman of the judiciary 
committee, suggested the motto on the state seal, 
" Ad Astra per Aspera." 

The coming of these men on the same errand, from differ- 
ent parts of the country, and without any knowledge of each 
other, is an illustration of the wide-spread interest Kansas 
had excited. They all came at about the same time, met 
almost the same hindrances, and got out the first issue of 
their papers within a week of each other. The papers were 
filled with interesting matter, and would have done credit to 
any eastern town. Of course Lawrence was not large enough 
to support three such papers. But the interest in Kansas all 
over the country gave them a large eastern constituency. 
Everybody was seeking information as to Kansas affairs. 

The colonists were kept busy during the autumn preparing 
for winter. The cold weather came on quite early and caught 
them in a very poor condition to fate it. A letter written at 
this time describes some of their experience. 

"It is quite cold for the 12th of November. Yesterday 
we were greeted by a pretty severe snow storm for which we 
were hardly prepared, our house being in no better condi- 
tion to receive such a guest than an orchard with the bars 
down. This morning I crawled from under my buffalo skin 
after having slept as soundly as anyone could suppose, who 
could see the pile of snow I had for my bed. I kindled a fire 
in a rough stone fire place, but the smoke rolled in upon us 
at such a rate that we were compelled to remove the fire. 



TO THK CLOSE OF IHE REHKI.LION. 27 

not to the middle of the floor, but to where the middle of the 
floor would have been, if we had a floor. By doing this we 
could get to the windward of the fire and thus avoid the 
smoke. If you could only see a true picture of us now, as 
we are seated upon a trunk before the fire, with our feet 
extended to keep them warm, and a large tea chest at our 
back with the lid raised to break the wind, and a buffalo pelt 
drawn closely about us, and each taking good care to get his 
share, you might be quite as good-natured in enjoying the 
picture as we are in enjoying the reality." 

After this severe storm passed over, the weather became 
mild again, so mild at Christmas that people sat with the 
doors and windows open. This fine weather continued till 
late in January, when there was another cold spell. But on 
the whole it was a delightful winter, and Providence seemed 
to have tempered the blast to the shorn lambs. They passed 
the winter very comfortably 



CHAPTER III. 

Spring. — Election, March 30TH, 1855. — Excitement in 
• Missouri. — An Army of Voters Invade Lawrence. — 
Missouri Voters Elect a Kansas Legislature. — Slave- 
ry Triumphant and Exultant. — Free-state Men De- 
spondent, THEN Indignant. — What Shall We Do? — Dr. 
Robinson's Policy. — "Bogus Legislature" Repudiated. 

In the spring of 1855 there occurred an event which largely 
gave shape to the history of the next two years. This was 
the election of the first territorial legislature. As the Organic 
Act allowed the people to determine their own domestic 
institutions, the first legislature might establish or exclude 
slavery by law, and so might settle the whole question. 
Governor Andrew H. Reeder ordered the election to be held 
on the thirtieth day of March. As a preliminary • to this 
election he ordered a census taken in February of the people 
of the territory. According to this census, Kansas then had 
•5^-. a population of 8,601, of whom 2,905 were voters. This 
number was probably increased before March 30th, as immi- 
gration began very early, and quite a nin-nber of actual settlers 
came into the country before the election. But there wete 
not enough to make any material change. The district in 
which Lawrence was situated had 369 voters, according to 
the census. 

Both sides understood the importance of this election, and 
put forth their strongest efforts to carry it. Whoever secured 
the first legislature would make the first laws. A pro-slaver}' 
legislature could establish slavery and pass laws protecting 
slave property. Then the people of the south could come 
with their slaves, and slavery would actually exist in Kansas. 
If once a considerable nimiber of slaves were settled in Kan- 
sas, it would be very difficult to dislodge them. On the other 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHEI.LION. 



29 



hand if the free-state men secured the legislature, they would 
establish freedom by law. Pro-slavery men could come to 
Kansas still, but they would not dare bring their slaves. 
This would practically settle the question for freedom. The 
canvas, therefore, was a lively one, and all felt that the con- 
test was vital. The pro-slaver)i people, however, carried on 
their canvas in Missouri. The}" were not disposed to trust 
to the doctrines of popular sovereignty, of which they had 
boasted. They proposed to go over and help settle the 
question. For weeks before the election, the border counties 
of Missouri were all astir. Meetings were held and flaming 
speeches made, and the excitement knew no bounds. There 
were secret societies, called Blue Lodges, in which the main 
purpose was to control Kansas for slavery. The members 
were bound together by pledges, and armed for the battle. 
The plan advocated in all these meetings was to have the 
members of these lodges march into Kansas on the day of 
election, take possession of the polls, and vote, and so get 
control of the legislature. They proposed to go in sufficient 
numbers to secure their end beyond all doubt, and they pro- 
posed to go thoroughly armed so as to overcome all resist- 
ance. They would depend on numbers and bluster and 
threats to carry the scheme through. The "plan of the 
campaign " was perfectly laid. It was arranged that bands 
of Missourians should enter every election district in Kansas, j 
and enter in sufficient number to out-vote the settlers. Some 
of the speeches by which they "fired the southern heart, " 
sound strange in these quieter days. General Stringfellow, 
in a speech at St. Joseph, said: 

"I tell you to mark every scoundrel aiuong you that is the 
least tainted with free-soilism or abolitionism, and exterminate 
him. I advise you, one and all, to enter every election dis- 
trict in Kansas, in defiance of Reeder and his vile myrmidons, 
and vote at the point of the bowie knife and revolver. Never 
give or take quarter from the rascals." 



30 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Every man was urged to go who could, and those who 
could not go themselves must contribute money to pay the 
expenses of those who did go. 

When the day of the election arrived they marched into 
Kansas like an invading army. They came in large com- 
panies or in small squads, according to the size of the district 
they proposed to enter. It was not a movement of what 
would be called "the roughs," though they were rough 
enough. It had the sanction of the leading men of western 
Missouri. The leading spirit of the movement was David R. 
Atchison, who had served two terms in the United States 
Senate, and was one time acting vice-president of the United 
States. The company that came to Lawrence was led b}^ 
Colonel Samuel Young, a leading lawyer of Boone county, and 
Claiborne F. Jackson. Colonel Young afterwards removed to 
Lawrence, and was very much respected — an able Lawyer and 
a cultured gentleman. Claiborne F. Jackson was governor of 
Missouri at the opening of the civil war. It was not a burst of 
ignorant passion, but the deliberate purpose of the leading 
men of Missouri and of the South. Kansas must be secured 
for slavery by fair means or foul. When men's deepest pas- 
sions are stirred, it often happens that the cultivated and 
refined become as rough and brutal as the coarse and vulgar. 
They came to Lawrence one thousand strong, March 29th, the 
day before the election, and camped in the ravine near the 
town. The r^ort of the congressional committee, which 
investigated the affair, gives a very vivid description of the 
scene at Lawrence: 

"The evening before, and the mornmg of the day of the 
election, about one thousand men arrived at Lawrence, and 
camped in a ravine a short distance from the town, and near 
the place of voting. They came in wagons (of which there 
were over one hundred) or on horseback, under the command 
of Colonel Samuel Young, of Boone county, Missouri, and 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 3 1 

Claiborne F. Jackson, of Missouri. They were armed with 
guns, rifles, pistols and bowie knives; and had tents, music 
and flags with them. They brought with them two pieces of 
artillery, loaded with musket balls. 

"The evening before the election the Missourians were 
called together at the tent of Captain Claiborne F. Jackson, 
and speeches were made to them by Colonel Young and others, 
calling on volunteers to go to other districts where there 
were not Missourians enough to control the election, as there 
were more at Lawrence than were needed. On the morning 
of the election the Missourians came over to the place of vot- 
ing from their camp, in companies, or bodies, of one hundred 
at a time. Mr. Blanton, one of the judges, not appearing. 
Colonel Young claimed that as the people of the territory had 
two judges, it was nothing more than right that the Missour- 
ians should have the other one to look after their interests. 
Robert A. Cummins was elected in Blanton's stead because 
he considered that every man had a right to vote if he had 
not been in the territory but an hour. The Missourians 
brought their tickets with them. Not having enough they 
had three hundred more printed in Lawrence the evening 
before and on the day of election. They had white ribbons 
in their buttonholes to distinguish them from the settlers. 

"When the voting commenced, the question of the legality 
of the vote of a Mr. Page was raised. Before it was decided, 
Colonel Samuel Young stepped to the window where the 
votes were received, and said he would settle the matter. 
The vote of Mr. Page was withdrawn, and Colonel Young 
offered to vote. He refused to take the oath prescribed by 
the governor, but said he was a resident of the territory. He 
told Mr. Abbott, one of the judges, when asked if he intended 
to make Kansas his future home, that it was none of his busi- 
ness; if he were^ a resident then he should ask no more. 
After his vote was received, Colonel Young got upon the 



32 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

window sill and announced to the crowd that he had been 
permitted to vote, and they could all come up and vote. He 
told the judges that there was no use swearing the others, as 
they would all swear as he had. After the other judges had 
concluded to receive Colonel Young's vote, Mr. Abbott 
resigned as judge of election, and Mr. Benjamin was elected 
in his place. 

"The polls were so much crowded till late in the evening 
that for a time they were obliged to get out by being hoisted 
up on the roof of the building, where the election was being 
held, and passing out over the house. Afterwards a passage- 
way was made through the crowd by two lines of men being 
formed, through which voters could get to the polls. Colonel 
Young asked that the old men be allowed to go up first and 
vote, as they were tired with the traveling, and wanted to get 
back to camp. During the day the Missourians drove off 
the ground some of the citizens, Mr. Stearns, Mr. Bond and 
Mr. Willis. They threatened to shoot Mr. Bond, and made 
a rush after him, threatening him. As he ran from them, 
shots were fired at him as he jumped off the bank of the river 
and escaped." 

The Missourians mostly started for home as soon as they 
had voted. A few remained till the next day. According to 
the census taken in February, the district contained 369 legal 
voters. The whole number of votes cast was 1,034. -^ care- 
ful examination of the poll lists show^ed that 232 of these were 
legal votes, while 802 votes were cast by non-residents. 
What was done in Lawrence was done everywhere, and while 
the census showed only 2,905 legal voters in the territory, 
there were 6,307 votes cast. It was a clean sweep, Missour- 
ians electing the entire legislature with one exception. There 
was no denial of the invasion, but the pro-slavery press 
boasted of it as a great victory. Abolition had been rebuked 
in its stronghold. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 33 

An appeal was made to Governor Reeder to set the election 
aside. He at first promised to do so, but his courage did not 
hold out. The pro-slavery people threatened his life if he ven- 
tured to go behind the returns. He was already beginning to 
feel that the administration at Washington was being alien- 
ated from him. He could not depend on their support. He 
contented himself, therefore, with ordering new elections for 
the districts that had entered protests. This could not ac- 
complish anything as it still left the legislature in the hands 
of the men elected by imported votes. It did not lessen the 
hate of the pro-slavery people, and it did not take the power 
out of their hands. As is common with half measures, it 
pleased nobody and accomplished nothing. 

The settlers hardly knew where to turn next when Gov- 
ernor Reeder failed them. It seemed for a time as if the 
case was closed. A pro-slavery legislature would enact pro- 
slavery laws, and they must live under them for at least two 
years. By that time slavery might be fastened on the ter- 
ritory beyond reversal. The southern papers boasted that 
now the abolitionists must either leave Kansas or consent to 
live in a slave state. The news of the outrage spread over 
the country on the wings of the lightning, and stirred the 
wildest excitement and indignation throughout the entire 
North. It was something that had no parallel in the history 
of the country. A body of invaders from another state had 
stolen a legislature, and there seemed to be no appeal. 

But after the first shock was over the people began to in- 
quire what they could do next. They had come to make 
Kansas free, and they were not the sort of people to be 
turned from their purpose by a single rebuff. What could 
they do to forestall the consummation of this great crime? 
They could not think of submitting to it, and allowing it to 
gain its end. Gradually the conviction grew that the legis- 
lature and its laws must be repudiated. The legislature had 
3 



34 



A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 



been elected by fraud, and could only be a fraudulent affair. 
It had been elected by citizens of Missouri in violation of all 
law, and by an outrage unparalleled. To submit to it would 
be to allow the crime to secure the fruit it sought. The 
whole country would justify them in taking such a position. 
Dr. Charles Robinson first suggested the policy of repudia- 
tion as soon as it was known that Governor Reeder would give 
them no effective relief. The suggestion seemed wild at 
first, but the more people thought about it the more it came 
into favor. Martin F. Conway had been elected to the legis- 
lature. In a letter to Governor Reeder he resigned his seat, 
and in doing this gave public expression to this policy of 
repudiation. 

" Instead of recognizing this as the legislature of Kansas, 
and participating in its proceedings as such, I utterly repudi- 
ate it as derogatory to the respectability of popular govern- 
ment and insulting to the virtue and intelligence of the age. 
^■. * * Simply as a citizen and a man, I shall, therefore, yield 
no submission to this alien legislature. On the contrary, I 
am ready to set its assumed authority at defiance, and shall 
be prompt to spurn and trample under my feet its insolent 
enactments, whenever they conflict with my rights or my 
inclinations." 

This all happened before the legislature had met, it being 
deemed important to repudiate the legislature itself as an 
imposition and a fraud, without regard to the laws it might 
enact. It was a fraud in itself. June 8th a convention was 
held in Lawrence to consider what they had begun to call 
the "bogus legislature." This convention provided for a 
larger convention to be held on the 25th of June. This sec- 
ond convention was large and represented nearly every set- 
tlement in the territory. Its sessions were protracted and its 
discussions very earnest. Its decisions shaped the policy of 
the free-state men for two years. The following are some of 
its resolutions: 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 35 

' ' Resoh'cd, That we are in favor of making Kansas a free territory, 
and as a consequence ^ free state. 

" Resolt'ed, That we urge the people of Kansas to throw aside all minor 
differences, and make the freedom of Kansas the only issue. 

" Resoh'ed, That we claim no right to meddle with the affairs of the 
people of Missouri, or any other state, and we do claim the right to regulate 
our own domestic affairs, and, with the help of God, we will do it. 

" A'eso/z'ed, That we look upon the conduct of a portion of the people of 
Missouri in the late Kansas election as an outrage on the elective franchise 
and our rights as freemen, and in as much as many of the members of the 
legislature owe their election to a combined system of force and fraud, we 
do not feel bound to obey any law of their enacting." 

Dr. L. W. Spring in his history of Kansas says that 
"between the 8th of June and the 15th of August, 1855, seven 
conventions were held in the city of Lawrence, all but one 
in the interest of the policy of ref)udiation." It was essential 
that the policy should be well understood, and that free-state 
people should be a unit in the matter. It was a daring posi- 
tion to assume and a very difficult one to maintain, hence 
these frequent conventions for consultation. Thus the whole 
people came to understand the policy, and the whole people 
became united in upholding it. 

For popular impression, perhaps, the celebration of the 
Fourth of July was more effective than these conventions. 
It was determined to celebrate it in fitting style in Lawrence. 
Great preparations were made and a large crowd assembled. 
Some people walked sixteen miles to attend. Two military 
companies had been organized and had been armed with 
Sharpe's rifles, and were out in uniform. The ladies pre- 
sented them with a beautiful silk flag, amid great enthusiasm. 
Dr. Charles Robinson made the oration and used the occasion 
ver}^ adroitly to foster and defend the policy of repudiation, 
which he had been the first to suggest. He pictured the 
Missouri invasion and the capture of the legislature by non- 
resident voters in vivid terms, and denounced the outrage 



36 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

as something not to be endured. He declared that the peo- 
ple of Kansas would never submit to these invaders from a 
neighboring state. 

"I can say to Death, be thou my master, and to the Grave, 
be thou my prison house; but acknowledge such creatures as 
my masters, never! Thank God, we are yet free, and hurl 
defiance at those who would make us slaves. 

'• ' Look who will in apathy, and stifle they wlio can. 

The synapathy, the hopes, the words, that make man truly man. 
Let those whose hearts are dungeoned up with interest or with ease. 
Consent to hear, with quiet pulse, of loatlisome deeds like these. 

" ' We first drew in New England's air. and from her hardy breast 
Sucked in the tyrant-hating milk that will not let us rest. 
And if our words seem treason to the dullard or the tame, 
' Tis but our native dialect; our fathers spake the same.' 

"Let every man stand in his place, and acquit himself like 
a man who knows his rights, and knowing, dares maintain. 
Let us repudiate all laws enacted by foreign legislative bodies, 
or dictated by Judge Lynch over the way. Tyrants are 
tyrants, and tyranny is tyranny, whether under the garb of law 
or in opposition to it. So thought and acted our ancestors, 
and so let us think and act. We are not alone in this contest. 
The whole nation is agitated upon the question of our rights. 
Every pulsation in Kansas pulsates to the remotest artery of 
the body politic, and I seem to hear the millions of freemen, 
and the millions of bondsmen in our own land, the patriots 
and philanthropists of all countries, the spirits of the revolu- 
tionary heroes, and the voice of God, all saying to the peo- 
ple of Kansas, 'Do your duty.' " 

The speech and the occasion produced a profound impres- 
sion not in Lawrence alone, but in all the territory. More 
than any one thing, perhaps, it helped to unify the people on 
the bold policy they had adopted, and which they maintained 
with unbroken front to the end of the conflict. 

While all this was being done to bring people into harmony 
of thought in regard to the policy of repudiating what they 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 37 

called the "bogus legislature," the free-state leaders were 
preparing for the emergency in another way. They knew 
the pro-slavery leaders were desperate men, and bound to 
carry their point by any means, fair or foul. To repudiate 
their legislature, and their laws, would involve collisions, and 
possibly bloodshed and civil war. These men would not be 
thwarted now without a severe struggle. ^ The free-state 
men must be prepared to meet force with force. As soon as 
the result of the March election was finally determined, the 
free-state leaders sent to their friends in the east for arms. 
George W. Deitzler was sent to Boston to lay the matter 
before the friends of free Kansas. Only two persons knew 
of the object of his mission. New arms were needed for self- 
defense. Amos A. Lawrence and others, before whom Mr. 
Deitzler presented the case, at once saw the seriousness of 
the situation. Within an hour after his arrival in Boston, he 
had an order for one hundred Sharpe's rifles, and in forty- ^ 
eight hours the rifles were on their way to Lawrence. They 
were shipped in boxes marked "books." As the border ruf- 
fians had no use for books, they came through without being 
disturbed. A military company known for many years after- 
wards as the "Stubbs" was organized, and was armed with — 
these rifles. Other boxes of "books" rapidly followed these, 
and other companies in Lawrence and in the country were 
armed with them. The fame of these guns went far and 
wide, and produced a very salutatory effect. They who rec- 
ognized only brute force came to have a great respect for the 
Sharpe's rifles. A howitzer was procured in New York through 
the aid of Horace Greeley, and shipped to Lawrence. This 
howitzer played quite a part in the after struggle, and had a 
history of its own that some one familiar with it ought to 
write up. 

Meanwhile the "bogus legislature," about which all this stir 
was being made, assembled and begun their work. They met 



38 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

at Pawnee July and, but adjourned to Shawnee Mission, 
where they re-assembled July 12th. They excluded all those 
elected at Reeder's special election, and admitted all those 
chosen March 30th. There was only one free-state member 
left in the whole lot, and he soon became disgusted and left. 
They had things entirely their own way, and as they had been 
elected by Missouri votes, they proposed to "make Kansas 
in all respects like Missouri," as one of their number phrased 
it. To save time and toil, they adopted the Missouri code of 
laws, simply directing the clerk to make the necessary verbal 
changes to adapt it to Kansas. In the matter of slavery, 
however, they favored Kansas with special legislation. As 
slavery in Kansas was in peculiar danger, it must be protected 
by laws peculiarly searching and strong. In this matter they 
acted like men whose reason had left them. They enacted a 
slave code so absurdly severe that it would have been broken 
down of its own weight: 

"Section i. If any person shall entice, or decoy, or carry out of this 
territory, any slave belonging to another, * * * he shall be adjudged guilty 
of grand larceny, and on conviction thereof shall suffer death. 

"Sec. 2. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, carrying away, or 
sending out of the territory, any slave belonging to another, * * * he shall 
be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and on conviction thereof suffer death. 

"Sec. 3. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of any 
state or other territory of the United States, any slave belonging to another, 
* * * and shall bring such slave into this territory with the intent to pro- 
cure the freedom of such slave, the person thus offending shall suffer death. 

"Sec II. If any person shall print, write, publish, or circulate * * * 
within the territory any book, magazine, hand-bill or circular containing 
any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiments, doctrine, advice or inu- 
endo calculated to promote a disorderly, dangerous or rebellious disaffection 
among the slaves in this territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from 
their masters, or to resist their authority, he shall be guilty of a felony, and 
be punished by imprisonment and hard labor for a term of not less than 
five years. 

"Sec 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or main- 
lain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in this territory, or shall 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 39 

introduce into this territory, print, publish, write or circulate, or shall cause 
to be introduced in this territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet or 
circular containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this 
territory, such person shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by im- 
prisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years." 

If anything were needed to confirm the free-state men in 
their attitude towards the "bogus legislature," the conduct 
of the legislature itself furnished it. The outrageous invasion 
of March might have been forgotten if the legislature itself 
had been moderate and fair. But first of all they broke with 
Governor Reeder because he would not acceed to all of their 
demands. Then they purged themselves of free-state mem- 
bers wherever any pretext could be found for doing so. Then 
they enacted a slave code more severe than was found in the 
slave states themselves. By the twelfth section of that bill it 
was made a penitentiary offense to express an opinion adverse 
to slavery. Self-respecting free-state men must either leave 
the territory or repudiate such laws. As the legislature itself 
was elected by non-resident votes, they pronounced the whole 
concern a fraud, and repudiated the legislature and its laws. 
As the work of the legislature went on, the idea of repudia- 
tion was being matured. The numerous conventions in Law- 
rence grew more and more distinct in their tone as the spirit 
and work of the legislature became more and more manifest. 

It has sometimes been asked what good was accomplished 
by this policy of repudiation? In reply it may be said, it 
practically nullified the laws passed by the usurping legisla- 
ture. While these laws were not repealed, and were technic- 
ally the laws of the territory, they were without effect. They 
were not respected by the people, and were only executed by 
force. This was particularly true of the laws regarding 
slavery. Whatever the courts might have decided as to the 
right to hold slaves in Kansas, no slave holders dared bring 
their slaves into the territory, while the laws protecting 
slavery were repudiated by two-thirds of the people. The 



^O A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

result was that no slaves were brought into Kansas during 
the two years of excitement that followed. Riches take 
themselves wings and fly away, but this form of riches would 
be very apt to take themselves feet and run away. If the 
free-state men had acquiesced in this fraudulent legislature, 
and had submitted to its laws, those laws would have gone 
into full operation, and two years would have brought in a 
sufficient slave population to settle the question at issue. 
The policy of repudiation no doubt saved Kansas to freedom. 

Along with the policy of repudiation another movement 
was set on foot as a sort of "companion piece." That was 
the movement for a state government. Whenever the policy 
of repudiation was mentioned, the first question was "what 
are you going to do next?" The answer was: "Form a 
state government and apply to congress for admission to the 
union." Other states had been received without an enabling 
act, and they proposed to plead these precedents. The 
matter was broached very early, and was probably in mind 
when the policy of repudiation was first suggested. It was 
at first distantly hinted at in the various conventions, and 
then boldly advocated. At the convention held at Lawrence, 
August 15, the subject was discussed, and was evidently 
the thought of most of the free-state men. A delegate con- 
vention was called to meet at Topeka, September 19th, to 
take steps toward forming a state government. This conven- 
tion provided that members of a constitutional convention 
should be elected October 9th. There were over twenty- 
seven hundred votes cast at this election, and the convention 
thus chosen assembled at Topeka, October 23rd, and framed 
what was known as the Topeka Constitution. This constitu- 
tion was the rallying point of the free-state men for two 
years. 

No serious attempt was ever made to put this constitution 
in operation. It was sent to congress and adopted in the 



T(l THF. CI.OSF. OV THK KKIIKI.I.ION. 4I 

House but smothered in the Senate. The people of Kansas 
did not, however, abandon it. Though never in operation it 
was a vital part of their policy. It was the positive side of 
the policy which repudiated the bogus laws. Though the 
officers never took their seats, the whole movement served as 
a bond of union to the free-state men. As Hon. T. Dwight 
Thacher said at the quarter-centennial celebration at Topeka 
in i866: "The Topeka Constitutional movement held the 
people together through a stormy period." "Without it the 
free-state forces must have drifted, been demoralized, and 
probably beaten." 

The Shawnee legislature and the Topeka Constitution may 
not seem to belong to a sketch of the town of Lawrence, but 
they were so closely interwoven with all the after history that 
a great deal that happened in Lawrence during the next two 
years would not be intelligible without some knowledge of 
these more general events. Lawrence was the headquarters 
of the free-state party, and the center of the free movement. 
A good proportion of its early history could not be understood 
apart from that movement. The most exciting events in the 
history of the town were directly connected with the bogus 
laws, and the free-state policy respecting them. 

Several other things happened this same summer which it 
is necessary to know in order to determine what occurred at 
Lawrence later on. As soon as it was foimd that Governor 
Keeder would not go the full length with the "bogus legisla- 
ture," the pro-slavery leaders began to plan for his removal. 
They sent on complaints to Washington detailing their side 
of the controversy, and sent on their smoothest talkers to use 
their personal influence. The result was that Reeder was 
removed in less than a month from the meeting of the legisla- 
ture, and ceased to act as governor August 15th. The secre- 
tary of the territory, Daniel Woodson, became acting governor, 
and signed all the laws which the legislature had passed. He 



42 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

was in full sympathy with the pro-slavery party, and was as 
eager as any of them to carry out their policy. Hon. Wilson 
Shannon, of Ohio, was appointed governor, and arrived about 
September ist. He was an able man, and had been governor 
of Ohio, minister to Mexico, and member of congress. He 
was a man of character and was fair-minded, but he was in 
full sympathy with the administration at Washington, and put 
himself in the hands of the men in Kansas he supposed to be 
the friends of the administration. This was unfortunate in 
two respects. In the first place his own views of the situation 
took a partisan coloring, and in the second place, the free- 
state men were led to class him with their enemies, and very 
naturally were suspicious of him and avoided him. He heard 
only one side of the story. He knew nothing of the men on 
the other side, or of the motives which governed them. He 
entirely misjudged their character, and under-rated their 
caliber. He allowed a reception in his honor at Westport 
before he entered Kansas at all, and then had a formal recep- 
tion at Shawnee Mission, in which the pro-slavery men and 
pro-slavery policy was painted in glowing colors. Every 
effort was made to commit him fully to the pro-slavery cause, 
and to prejudice him against the free-state people. These 
last were denounced as traitors, who had repudiated the laws 
of the territory and who were ready to resist them whenever 
an opportunity offered. The pro-slavery men called them- 
selves the "law and order" party. They had gained control 
of the legislature by illegal means, and then organized them- 
selves into a "law and order" party to enforce the enactments 
of this fraudulent legislature. The convention at which the 
"law and order" party was formed chose Gov. Shannon for 
its president. Thus he became more and more committed to 
the one-sided policy which antagonized more than half the 
people of the territory. 

The people were divided into two very distinct parties with 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 43 

antagonistic policies. The pro-slavery party was determined 
to enforce the laws passed by the Shawnee legislature. The 
free-state men repudiated that legislature and were determined 
never to recognize its enactments. The pro-slavery men had 
the forms of law, the officers of the law and the courts of law 
on their side, with the governor and national administration 
back of them. Their policy was to force a conflict and com- 
pel the free-state men either to recognize the bogus laws or 
resist them and suffer the penalty. Andreas, in his history, 
page 115, says: 

"The law and order party were determined to bring the 
revolutionists to swift punishment as soon as overt acts should 
make them subject to the penalties prescribed for the viola- 
tion of the laws. This was no easy matter, as they kept, as 
far as possible, aloof from the legal machinery devised for the 
government of the territory. They brought no suits into its 
courts; they attended no elections called by its authority; 
they paid no attention to its county organization; they offered 
no estates to its probate judges; they tried no causes and 
made no complaints before its justices of the peace; they paid 
no tax levies made by the authority of the late legislature. 
Yet they were careful to do no act which should lay them 
liable to the laws they contemned. They settled their dis- 
putes by arbitration, or by other means that might avoid liti- 
gation; they had town organizations and police regulations 
for the preservation of order; courts to settle squatters' claims; 
and all other appliances necessary for the regulation of small 
communities peaceably inclined. They could build, manu- 
facture, buy and sell, establish schools and churches; but they 
would not be guilty of the crime of making Kansas a slave 
state." 

This was emphatically the condition of things at Lawrence. 
The people were fully determined to repudiate the bogus 
laws, and were just as much determined not to violate them. 



44 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

They would not recognize them, and they would not violate 
them. They would simply let them alone, and mind their 
own business. They would not incorporate the town under 
these laws. A citizens committee maintained a free school 
by voluntary contributions instead of taxes. Another com- 
mittee looked after the good order and cleanliness of the 
place. They settled their disputes among themselves, and 
submitted to any inconveniences rather than appeal to the 
laws they repudiated. At the same time they were all partic- 
ularly careful not to come in conflict with the laws, and to do 
nothing which might be construed into a violation of law. 
Being all intelligent and well disposed, and being also all of 
one mind, they did not have much trouble in carrying out 
this policy. They would have carried out this policy to the 
end if the other side had not been determined to force a con- 
flict. They were watching for the slightest pretext to bring 
on a collision. The free-state men knew this. They knew 
that in spite of all their care a collision was bound to come 
sooner or later. While, therefore, they sought to avoid a 
conflict, they were prepared for it. As has been already said, 
several hundred Sharpe's rifles were procured early in the 
summer. Military companies were organized in Lawrence 
and in the country around about, and full preparations made 
for defense in case a conflict was forced upon them. Em- 
bankments were thrown up at exposed points and the town 
put in position to stand a siege. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Conflict Begun. — The Dow Murder. — The Branson 
Rescue. — Sheriff Jones Appeals to the Governor. — 
The Governor Calls Out the Militia. — Missouri Re- 
sponds TO the Call. — The Wakarusa War. — The Ar.mv 
AT Franklin. — Preparations for Defense. 

There was no serious trouble at Lawrence during the sum- 
mer. There were many outrages in other parts of the terri- 
tory. Where the sentiment was divided there were frequent 
colHsions. Where pro-slavery sentiment was predominant 
free-state men were in constant peril. A man named Kelly 
was beaten nearly to death by a pro-slavery bully in Atchison. 
Rev. Pardee Butler, a preacher of the Christian Church, de- 
nounced the outrage in the streets of Atchison, and was siezed 
by a mob, his face was painted black, and he was bound upon 
a raft and sent floating down the Missouri river. He escaped 
after floating down a few miles. Some time afterwards he 
was siezed again. The mob were disposed to hang him, but 
finally were content to give him a coat of tar and feathers, 
and let him go. As these outrages and many more were ap- 
proved by a large portion of the "law and order" party, no 
attempt was made to punish the perpetrators of them, 
although they were well known and made no attempt to con- 
ceal themselves or their crimes. 

Thus far no difficulty had occurred at Lawrence such as the 
"law and order" party were waiting for. They were only 
watching for an opportunity to bring on a collision which 
would compel the citizens either to recognize or resist the 
laws of the bogus legislature. If they recognized those laws 
they would be humiliated; if they resisted them the whole 
force of the territorial government would be brought to bear 
to subdue them. But so wisely did they manage their repu- 



46 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

diation that no occasion was given for interference. They 
simply ignored the laws and were a law unto themselves. 
The fact that the people of Lawrence were well armed and 
strongly entrenched, made the "law and order" people all 
the more careful to wait till they had a good case. They 
were thus compelled to wait till late in the autumn before the 
coveted opportunity came. 

The occasion came at last, as all things come to those who 
wait. It was somewhat far-fetched, but it served the purpose. 
" It was not as wide as a church door, but it served." It all 
grew out of a claim dispute. Charles W. Dow and Franklin 
M. Coleman occupied adjoining claims at Hickory Point, 
about ten miles south of Lawrence. Dow was a free-state 
man and Coleman was a pro-slavery man. They quarreled 
about their claims and often had high words. The sympathy 
of the neighbors ran according to political affiliations. One 
day, November 21st, Dow was at Coleman's cabin, talking 
over the inevitable subject in the inevitable temper. As he 
started to go home, Coleman shot him dead in the road. 
That night Coleman fled to Westport, Missouri, and was pro- 
tected by his pro-slavery friends. The cold-blooded murder 
naturally produced great indignation among the free-state 
men. They held a meeting a day or two after to express 
their indignation, and to devise means to bring the murderer 
to justice. The meeting was composed mainly of friends and 
neighbors of Dow, who occupied claims as he did and were 
exposed to similar treatment. Very naturally they expressed 
themselves strongly, and were not in a mood to be trifled 
with. Among these neighbors and friends was an old man 
named Jacob Branson. Dow lived in the same cabin with 
him, and Branson thought a great deal of Dow. Branson 
was a quiet, peaceable man, who never made anybody any 
trouble. But the brutal murder of his friend stirred the quiet 
depths of his nature, and he expressed his indignation with- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 47 

out Stint. He said "if I could draw a bead on Coleman 
with his rifle, he would not breathe the pure air of this planet 
another minute." 

One of the friends of the murderer Coleman, named Buck- 
ley, professed to be greatly alarmed at the violent tone of the 
meeting, and especially at the violent expressions of Jacob 
Branson. He claimed that his life was in danger, and he 
swore out a warrant for Branson's arrest. The warrant was 
put in the hands of Samuel J. Jones, who had been appointed 
by the Shawnee legislature as Sheriff of Douglas county. 

Jones was one of the characters of those times. He was 
postmaster of Westport, Missouri, and did not live in Kansas. 
He had identified himself with her interests, however, by 
leading a company from Missouri to vote on the memorable 
thirtieth of March. He went to Bloomington, and led his 
company in, taking possession of the ballot box of that pre- 
cinct. He was a mixture of courage and cowardice, of bold 
bravado and obsequiousness. No appointment could have 
been more offensive and insulting to the people of Douglas 
county. He was appointed on purpose to insult and humili- 
ate them, and to provoke them to some sort of resistance that 
might warrant an attack upon them. The people of Douglas 
county had got even with their persecutors thus far by so 
keeping the peace or arranging their disputes among them- 
selves, that they had never called for the services of the 
obnoxious sheriff. His office seemed in danger of being lost 
in " innocuous dissuetude." To this man the murderer had 
fled, and had been taken into custody by him, not for punish- 
ment but for protection from the people he had outraged. 

At last the day came when he could be avenged on the 
people of Douglas county who so thoroughly despised him. 
The warrant for the arrest of Branson was put in his hands to 
serve. On'the night of November 26th he took some fifteen 
men and went to Branson's house to arrest him. It was 



48 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

about eleven o'clock when they arrived at the cabin. They 
knocked at the door, but before any reply could be made, 
they burst the door open and rushed in. They dragged 
Branson out of his bed, and made him dress himself in a 
hurry. Mrs. Branson demanded their authority but they told 
her the}' would attend to that. They took Branson out, 
placed him on a mule, and started for Lecompton by the way 
of Lawrence. Mrs. Branson felt sure they would kill her 
husband as soon as they had him fully in their power. 

The free-state men in the neighborhood were advised of the 
writ for Branson's arrest. They had grounds to fear that he 
would be disposed of as soon as Jones and his posse got him 
in their hands. When they heard of the intended arrest, a 
number of them came together determined to rescue Branson 
if possible before he could be harmed. The rescue was 
arranged and conducted by Major J. B. Abbott, a man who 
lived in the neighborhood, a brave man and a man of promi- 
nence for many years afterwards. He was assisted by S. N. 
Wood, of Lawrence, who had come from the same section of 
Ohio as the murdered man, Dow. Wood was one of the 
characters of the times, a man of infinite nerve, and as calm 
and cool in such a matter as he would be in any common 
affair. There were two others present who lived in Lawrence, 
Samuel F. Tappan and Samuel C. Smith. The rest were all 
neighbors of Branson, living on farms near his. By eleven 
o'clock some fifteen men had gathered at Abbott's house to 
attempt to save Branson. They were armed with all sorts of 
weapons. Some of them had rifles: some of them had shot- 
guns; and some of them had pistols. They had come with 
anything they hapened to have in the house. One or two 
had no weapons whatever. One of these picked up two large 
stones which he clutched in his hands in a way which showed 
his intensity of purpose, and illustrated the determination of 
the whole company. 



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TO IHE CLOSE OF THE REHELLION. 49 

They hardly knew what to do or which way to go. It was 
entirely uncertain what road Jones and his party would take, 
and in the night it was impossible to see them any distance. 
But while they were wondering what to do, some one burst 
into the house and said: " They are coming. " S.N.Wood, 
one of the party, wrote a vivid account of the rescue a short 
time after. 

"Pell-mell we rushed out of the house and got into the 
road ahead of them. They halted within two rods of us. A 
moment was passed in silence when one of their party said: 
'What 'sup?' Abbott asked, 'Is Branson there?' Branson 
replied, 'Yes, I am here, a prisoner.' S. N. Wood said, 'if 
you want to be among your friends come over here.' One of 
their party said. 'If 3-ou move we will shoot you.' Said 
Wood, "Come on, let them shoot if they want to. If you 
shoot, not a man of 3'ou will leave alive.' Branson 
attempted to ride to us: he was on a mule. 'Whose mule is 
that?' 'Their's.' 'Get off and let it go.' Wood left the 
ranks, kicked the old mule and told it to go back to its friends. 
Arms were aimed and cocked on both sides, but just as Bran- 
son left the ranks, one of the opposite party lowered his gun 
with the remark: 'I aint going to shoot.' Jones then advanced 
on horseback, said his name was Jones, that he was sheriff of 
Douglas county, that he had a warrant to arrest old man 
Branson, and he must serve it. He was told, 'we knew no 
Sheriff Jones; we know a postmaster at Westport, Missouri, 
by that name but we knew no Sheriff Jones.' Jones still said 
he had a warrant to arrest Branson and he must do it. S. N. 
Wood said he was Branson's attorney, and if he had a warrant 
to arrest him he wanted to see it, and see if it was all right. 
Jones said he had it, but refused to show it. Wood asked if 
It had been read or shown to Branson. Jones admitted that 
it had not. He was told that until he produced the warrant. 
Branson could not go with him. At least an hour was spent 



4 



50 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

In parleying, when Jones and his company bid us good night 
and rode away." 

The rescue occurred near Blanton's bridge, some five miles 
south of Lawrence. The rescuing party were all from the neigh- 
borhood, except three who were from Lawrence. The rescue 
occurred at about one o'clock in the morning, some two hours 
after the arrest. It was afterwards learned that Jones and his 
party had spent the intervening time at the house of a pro- 
slavery man, rejoicing at their success. They honored the 
event in the approved border ruffian style, drinking whiskey 
and carousing. 

After Jones had gone the rescuers were in a quandary. 
They had Branson, but were puzzled to know what to do 
next. They began to realize that the situation was serious. 
They had taken a prisoner out of the hands of an officer of 
the law. Jones and his friends would make the most of it. It 
added fuel to fire already kindled, and furnished him the 
occasion he had been seeking so long to make an onslaught 
on the free-state men, and either compel them to recognize 
the bogus laws under which he held his appointment, or else 
actually resist them and expose themselves to the penalties. 
The company of rescuers at once discussed the situation. 
They knew this was not the end, and was probably only the 
beo'inning. They at once decided to go into Lawrence and 
tell the story to Dr. Charles Robinson, whose cool head and 
clear sense \vere always relied upon in times of real difficulty. 

They reached Lawrence in the gray of the morning, and 
proceeded at once to Dr. Robinson's house. Mrs. Robinson, 
in her book written soon after, describes the appearance of 
the men as they drew up before the house in the morning 
twilight. 

"I shall never forget the appearance, in simple citizens 
dress, some armed and some unarmed, standing in unbroken 
line, just visible in the breaking light of a November morn- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. ,, 

ing. The li.ele band of less than twenty men had walked ten 
m.les smce nine o'clock the previous evening. Mr. Branson 
a large man of fine proportions, stood a little forward of the 
l.ne w,th his head sHghtly bent, which an old straw hat 
hardly protected from the cold, looking as though in his 
hurry of departure from home he took whatever came first " 
As soon as Dr. Robinson came to the wmdow they told hi„, 
thetr story. They set before him all the details of the arrest 
and the rescue, and of the threats Jones had made on bein. 
o,led of h,s purpose. After a few minutes thought th^ 
doctor rephed to then,. He said in effect that it was a serious 
affa.r, and would no doubt be used by their foes as a pretext 
for attackmg Lawrence, and if possible destroying it The,- 
.ad onl3- been waiting for an occasion, and this would furnish 

„ n l"'ZT "" '""''^ °' *^ "ffi"- °' «'- law 

would be called an msurrection. The militia would be called 
out oste„s.bly to sustau, the officers, really to destroy W 
rence There was but one thing now to be done TlTe 
a.fa,r had occurred several miles fron, Lawrence. Only three 
Lawrence men were concerned in i,, and they were on tl ek 
own responsibility. The people of Lawrenc^ knew Tot "; 
abo, t , . They could not be held responsible for an act of 
wh,c , tl.y d,d not know unt.l several hours after ,.s oc u - 
rence. The perpetrators must take care of themselves and 
Keep out of the way. If Jones and his posse came to tit 
town to make arrests they would simply find „„ one to arre 
They must find the men who con.mitted the deed and a e t 
them. At a meetmg of citizens later in the n,orni„. Ro " -' 

as the town of Lawrence, as such, had nothing to do with the 
affatr, ,ts ctizens could no, be held responsibre for it 

The mee.„,g appointed a com.nittee of safety who were >' ' 

Everyone felt very certain that it would not be long before 



52 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the services of the committee would be called for. Dr. 
Robinson was placed at the head of the committee, and they 
proceeded at once to put the town in a condition for defense. 
Thus far Lawrence had not been identified with the affair. A 
resolution approving the rescue was rejected. 

The events which followed seemed to indicate that the 
whole thing was a plot. The arrest of Branson was made on 
purpose to provoke a rescue. Branson had committed no 
crime. He had simply denounced the murder of a member 
of his famil}'. The whole country was excited about the 
murder. The arrest of Branson would inflame them to a 
fever heat. Jones proposed to take him through Lawrence. 
After making the arrest he waited two hours at a pro-slavery 
man's house to give time for the news to get out. When 
confronted by an equal number, poorly armed, he surrendered 
his prisoner without firing a shot, simply muttering vengeance. 
It was just what he was waiting for. A prisoner had been 
taken by force from the officers of the law. They had repudi- 
ated the laws before; now they had resisted them and over- 
come the officers of the law. It was a trap and the free-state 
men had fallen into it. 

Jones lost no time in making the most of his opportunity. 
He went to Franklin, a little pro-slavery settlement four 
miles east of Lawrence. Thence he sent out his dispatches. 
His first dispatch was sent to Colonel A. G. Boone at West- 
port, Missouri, and his second to the governor. The gov- 
ernor must call out the militia, but Colonel Boone must 
furnish the men from Missouri. Hence it was important that 
the Missouri allies should be advised as soon as possible. 
The dispatches narrated the particulars of the rescue in) 
extravagant terms, and claimed that there was an organized 
effort to resist the laws. He needed three thousand men to 
assist him in making arrests of criminals .who were hiding 
from justice and were being protected bj' armed men in 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 53 

Lawrence. Governor Shannon at once issued a proclamation 
declaring the free-state men in rebellion and calling out the, 
militia of the territory to aid in the enforcement of the laws. 
In his order to General Richardson he said the laws had been 
resisted and that there was an armed force at Lawrence in 
open rebellion. He had been advised that houses had been i 
burned in Douglas county and whole families turned out onto 
the open prairie. Sheriff Jones had warrants for the men 
who were committing these crimes, but he needed three 
thousand men to enable him to execute these Vvarrants. He 
ordered General Richardson to collect as large a force as 
possible, and proceed without delay to Lecompton and report 
to S. J. Jones, sheriff of Douglas county, "and render him all 
the aid in your power in the execution of any legal process in 
his hands." 

But the '-Kansas militia" did not respond in v'ery larger 
numbers. It was not expected that they would. The call 
had to be made to the Kansas militia, but the Missouri 
militia was expected to do the most of the responding. 
While all the public proclamations were made to the Kansas 
militia, secret means were taken to secure a large force from- 
Missouri. Daniel Woodson, the secretary of the territory, 
sent a private note to an official in Jefferson City, asking him ! > 
•'to call out the Platte County Rifles; but whatever you do, 
do not implicate the governor." In all these secret notes 
they add, "Do not compromise the governor." The pro- 
slavery press made frantic appeals and published the wildest 
accounts of the situation in Kansas. 

The Missourians were already organized, and companv after 
company moved towards Lawrence. There were four hundred 
men from Jackson county and an equal number were called 
out from Weston and St. Joseph. While, therefore, the 
Kansas militia responded only in small numbers, their lack of 
zeal was more than made good by the readiness of these 



54 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Missouri friends to rally to the defense of law and order in 
the neighboring territory. They seemed as eager to come up 
and restore order as they had been to come and vote a few 
months before. They seemed ready to do any sort of service 
for the new-comers. They had furnished a legislature to^ 
make their laws for them, and now they were ready to furnish 
an army to enforce those laws. Of the hundreds of armed 
men, therefore, who responded to the call for the "Kansas 
militia," all but fifty or so came from over the line. 

None of these men who were so eager to subdue rebellion 
thought it worth while to inquire if there was any rebellion, 
or any resistance. Even the governor in calling out the'' 
militia, had not thought it worth while to inquire whether the 
statements on which he based that call had any foundation. 
As a matter of fact there had been no general resistance to ' 
the execution of the laws. The rescue of Branson was a 
solitary case, and belonged to the neighborhood where it 
occurred. There had never been any resistance in Lawrence, ^ 
and there would not have been. Sheriff Jones could have 
come into Lawrence at any time, and made any arrests for 
which he had any legal authority. He was several times in , 
Lawrence alone while he was making these extensive prepa- 
rations to subdue the town. No one had any thought of 
molesting him, or interfering with him. But he was deter- 
mined to force a conflict and humiliate the place, if not 
destroy it. 

The Missouri allies were not slow in coming to the aid of 
their friends in Kansas. They were just "spoiling for a 
fight," and were waiting for a call. They came from all 
directions and in all ways; in companies, squads and singly. 
They only wanted a chance to "wipe out " that "abolition 
nest" at Lawrence. In a day or two some fifteen hundred men 
had gathered at Franklin, and along the Wakarusa, just 
clamoring to be led up to the hated town. They claimed to 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 55 

be acting as territorial militia though confessedly from Mis- 
souri. They had been organized and drilled at home and 
were all ready for the fray. It was much easier than to raise 
and equip a force in Kansas. The militia of Kansas was a 
myth while that of Missouri was a stubborn fact — very stub- 
born, it might be added. A force from pro-slavery Missouri 
would be more ready to do the bidding of the pro-slavery 
leaders than any that could be organized in Kansas. They 
camped mostly at'Franklin, while detachments were stretched 
along the line of the Wakarusa. They expected to be led at 
once to Lawrence, but as they drew nearer they were disposed 
to hesitate. They had heard large stories about the Sharpe's ' 
rifles with which they understood the Yankees were armed. 
The rapidity with which they could be discharged and loaded, 
the great range at which they could do execution, and the 
terrible havoc of their bullets, had been told them in all 
degrees of exaggeration. William A. Phillips, correspondent / 
of the New York Tribune, visited the camp. He claimed to 
be a mere traveler going through the country to see what was 
to be seen. He engaged them in conversation, and they 
became quite communicative. They were very anxious to 
know about those Sharpe's rifles. He told them they were 
"loaded by machinery," and told them they could be fired 
''ten times a minute." They asked him how far they would 
carry. He said he did not believe all the stories about them. 
There were a great many big yarns afloat about the guns. 
He did not believe they would carry a ball much more than 
a mile with any degree of accuracy. So the story went 
around the camp that there were a thousand men in Law- 
rence, armed with these terrible guns, which were "loaded by 
machinery, and would kill a man a mile away." The rumor 
did not tend to hasten an attack. 

But they kept up their bluster and their threats. When- 
ever their courage flagged at hearing such stories as we have 



56 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

referred to, they could always get their courage renewed at so 
much a flask. If their personal courage failed, the artificial 
kind was plentiful, and served their purpose just as well so 
long as no enemy was in sight. They soon invested Lawrence, 
guarding all the fords of the Wakarusa, and having a camp 
to the west on the Lecompton road. They ransacked the 
country for supplies, and corn cribs and hen coops suffered 
severely from the nightly attacks of these brave men. They 
kept the whole country in a state of terror, and many people / 
abandoned their homes and sought safety in town. The 
attack on Lawrence, however, was still delayed. Every day 
they clamored to be led up against the devoted place, but 
every day, for one reason and another, they decided to wait 
till morning. These whiskey soaked heroes were fond of 
telling the affrightened women and children what they were 
going to do when they "once got into Lawrence." But 
every night they came back to camp, and Lawrence was 
spared "just one day more." 

The besieged meanwhile had not been idle. They knew 
the Branson rescue would be used as a pretext for calling the 
Missourians in to harrass and humiliate the free-state men. 
The committee of safety began to arrange for the defense of - 
the town. The free-state men all over the territory became 
aware of the situation, and the various military companies 
came in to help their friends in Lawrence. About five hun- 
dred men came in thus from various points. It was not an 
easy matter to feed such a multitude. As in an earlier 
emergency, they had pretty much "all things common." 
The most unfortunate were those who had something. All 
the resources of the place had to be put under contribution. 
Dr. Spring in his history says of this time: 

"There was a general observance of decorum and order. 
Most of the citizens made a virtue of necessity, and contrib- 
uted freely what must have been rudely confiscated. In a 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHKI.LION. 57 

single instance a little outbreak of violence occurred, expend- 
ing itself in the sack of a small tailor shop. One night during 
the siege, according to the story of a clerk, about twenty men, 
armed with revolvers, invaded the premises, and extinguished 
the candle by firing a tobacco box at it. ' Before I could 
light a candle,' the clerk continued, ' everything in the store 
was taken from the shelves and carried away.' A young 
woman who had the misfortune to keep a hotel, the Cincinnati 
House, in Lawrence during the impecunious era of the siege, 
wrote a few days after its close: ' It looked strange to see the 
street paraded from morning to night by men in military 
array; to see them toil day and night throwing up entrench- 
ments, to see them come in to their meals, each with a gun in 
his hand, sometimes bringing it to the table. How we toiled 
to feed the multitude, seldom snatching a moment to look on 
the strange scene and often asking, what are the prospects 
today.' " 

The Free-State Hotel was not finished, but it was used for 
military purposes, and was made quite comfortable as head- 
quarters. Several of the companies used it as a "barracks" 
for the accommodation of the "army." The soldiers spent 
their time during the day in throwing up earth works at the 
most exposed points. These earth works were circular, and 
some of them one hundred feet in diameter. The largest 
was at the crossing of Massachusetts and Pinckney streets, a 
little east of where the jail now stands. This was intended 
as a place of refuge for the women and children in case of an 
assault. It was built of hewn timbers, banked up with earth, 
and a deep trench dug all round it. It was five feet high. 
Another was at the crossing of Massachusetts and Henry 
streets. A third was near New Hampshire street, north of 
Henry. Two others were west of Massachusetts street, one 
of them on Kentucky street commanding the ravine. The 
enclosure at Massachusetts and Henry streets was arranged 



58 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

for cannon. Each of these defenses was in charge of an 
oflficer, and had a contingent of troops assigned to its defense. 
Thus the little community was entrenched on every side, and 
everything made ready for whatever might occur. There 
were fully six hundred men within the entrenchments, and 
two hundred or more were armed with Sharpe's rifles. In 
the afternoon of each day there was parade and drill, with 
band playing and flags flying from all the principal points. 
Towards evening there would be a general gathering, and 
different persons would exercise the inalienable right of an 
American citizen and make a speech. After others had spoken 
Jim Lane would be called out, and would work the crowd up 
to the fighting point. Then Dr. Robinson would come for- 
ward and calm the frenzy and advise moderation and patience. 
To "suffer and be strong" was a favorite phrase with him. 
As night came on the "guard was mounted," and every 
approach to the town had its sentinel. These sentinels were 
posted in the outskirts and sometimes reached almost down 
to the enemy's line. It was not uncommon for the pickets of 
the two armies to meet. William A. Phillips, in his "Con- 
quest of Kansas," gives an instance of this kind: 

"One night when the free-state patrol approached the forks 
of the road where they were ordered to go, they met the 
enemy's patrol about twenty strong. One or two officers of 
the general's staff had volunteered that night, and General 
George W. Dietzler was in command of the guard. As they 
approached the place the leader of the enemy's guard shouted, 

" 'Halt! Who goes there? Give the countersign.' 

" 'We have no countersign for you. We are the Lawrence 
guard.' 

" 'The Lawrence guard will file to the left,' said the border 
ruffian chief, and his own command drew off the road while 
we filed by them. The two companies thus passed each other, 
there being little more than the road between them." 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION, 59 

The guards were under strict orders to avoid a conflict. If 
there was to be any fighting, the other side must take all the 
responsibility of it. As the border ruffians tried every way 
to provoke a quarrel, this policy was sometimes quite exas- 
perating. But it was evidently the wiser as well as the more 
humane policy. 

In the day time there was less strictness. People came and • 
went very much as they pleased. Many members of the other 
camp came into town at different times. Sheriff Jones him- *• 
self was often in town, and was never interfered with. He 
made no attempts to make any arrests. He doubtless would 
have been glad if there had been violence offered him, as that 
would give him a new occasion for calling in his friends from 
Missouri to help him. There was policy in thus allowing • 
these officers free access to the town. The excuse Sheriff 
Jones gave for calling out the militia was that he could not 
serve a writ in Lawrence, and that he needed three thousand 
men to assist him. Yet he and other officers could come into 
the town freely, and never were molested. The troops had 
been given him for a specified purpose, to aid him in making 
arrests. But there was no thought of resisting any arrest he 
might attempt to make. If he could only provoke the free- 
state men to violence he would have a case. But they steadily 
refused to be provoked, so they spoiled his case every time. 

During the progress or the " siege" it was learned that a 
twelve pounder howitzer had arrived at Kansas City for Law- ' 
rence. Captain Thomas Bickerton and two young men 
named Buffam went to Kansas City with teams to bring it up. 
When they arrived at Kansas City they found the commission 
merchant cross and unaccommodating. He wanted to know 
what was in the boxes before he would let them go out of his 
warehouse. One of the Buffam boys took an axe and broke 
into one of the boxes and said he believed it was a carriage. 
The merchant looked into the opening and saw the wheels, 



6o A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

and was satisfied. The men then loaded their wagon with 
the "goods," and started for Leavenworth across the Dela- 
ware reserve. When they had crossed the Kansas river, 
they found the bluff leading up to Wyandotte very steep, and 
their heavil}' loaded wagons were "stuck." A company of 
border ruffians passed by, and they asked them to help. 
They said they were on their way to Leavenworth with goods, 
and the hill was too steep for their teams. Leavenworth 
being a good pro-slavery town all suspicion was removed, and 
the men put their shoulder to the wheels, and helped the 
Yankees up the hill with their cannon. As soon as they were 
well out of the Delaware reserve, they turned up the Law- 
rence road and made the best time they could towards the 
beleaguered city. When they drew near, word was sent to the 
free-state leaders, and twenty armed men were sent out to 
meet them, and the whole outfit was brought safely into town. 
About the same time it was feared the ammunition would 
run short. There was a lot of powder and ammunition for 
Sharpe's rifles at the house of a free-state man on the Santa 
Fe road. The problem was how to get it into town. At last 
two ladies, Mrs. S. N. Wood and Mrs. G. W. Brown, offered 
to get it. They went out in a buggy and were not molested. 
After reaching their destination they stowed the powder and 
caps and other things among their clothing and started back. 
The ruffian pickets were too gallant to molest ladies, and 
allowed them to pass the lines, and they brought their load 
triumphantly into town. The ladies helped in many other 
ways besides feeding the multitudes. Thus the whole popu- 
lation joined in the defense. There was nothing else to be 
done, and nothing else was done. The siege began about 
December ist and continued about a week. The general 
response of free-state men everywhere to " help Lawrence " 
was very encouraging. They had come from all parts and in 
every conceivable manner, on foot, on horseback and in 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIiEI.I.ION. 



6l 



wagons: singly and in squads and companies. Companies 
came in from Bloomington, Palmyra, Ottawa Creek, Osawato- 
inie and Topeka. The coming of a well armed compan\- 
from Topeka was the occasion of great enthusiasm and a 
source of much encouragement. Localities were forgotten 
in the common danger. To let Lawrence fall was to expose 
all these settlements to a similar fate. It was one of those 
events which helped to bind the free-state men together, and 
prepare them the better for the long conflict that was coming. 
No matter where they lived they were all here for a common 
purpose, and they worked together to a common end. They 
began to understand the gravity of the conflict, but no one 
was inclined to draw back. The more serious the conflict 
the more firm was their resolve. " Their courage rose with 
danger." 



CHAPTER V. 

Governor Shannon Alarmed. — Telegraphs the President 
FOR Regular Troops. — They Do Not Come. — The Gov- 
ernor Visits Lawrence — Confers with the Free-state 
Men. — A Treaty of Peace. — The Militia Go Home.— 
A Love Feast at Lawrence. — The Murder of Barber. 
— Old John Brown. 

Governor Shannon soon began to see that he had raised a 
storm that he could not control. He had called out the 
militia to aid Sheriff Jones in enforcing the laws. But no 
resistance had ever been offered to any regular legal process.- 
Jones often went through Lawrence, and could have served 
any legal writ he might have. There never had been any 
resistance in Lawrence. The rescue of Branson had occurred 
several miles from Lawrence. The citizens of Lawrence 
knew nothing of it. When Governor Shannon called out the 
Kansas militia the response came from Missouri. Of the 
fifteen hundred men camped at Franklin not over two hun- 
dred were from Kansas. They had come, too, for a purpose 
of their own. They had come to destroy Lawrence. They 
were eager to make an attack. They clamored to be led out 
to battle. They would have raised the black flag and marched 
without orders had they not conceived a wholesome fear of 
the Sharpe's rifles with which the defenders of the town were 
armed. They were a lawless lot, many of them. They roved 
about the country committing depredations, and a collision 
between the two opposing forces was liable to occur any day. 
The picket lines confronted each other, and a stray shot 
might at any time precipitate a conflict. Onl}' the firm 
determination of the free-state men not to give any possible 
excuse for violence prevented serious results. Governor 
Shannon saw something of the danger and was anxious for 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REKF.I.I.ION. 



6^ 



a settlement. General L. J. Eastin, editor of the Leaven- , 
worth Herald and commander of the northern brigade of the 
Kansas militia, wrote to the governor. He told him "the 
outlaws," as he called them, were strongly intrenched at 
Lawrence and were well armed. They had cannons and 
Sharpe's rifles, and numbered about a thousand men. It was 
not going to be easy to dislodge them. The militia was dis- 
organized and poorly armed. He advised the governor to 
call on the authorities at Fort Leavenworth for government 
troops. This might overawe "the outlaws" and prevent 
bloodshed. The governor at once telegraphed the president, 
stating the condition of things, and asking authority to call on 
the regular troops at Fort Leavenworth. He sent a dispatch 
also to Colonel E. V. Sumner, who was in command at the 
fort, to hold himself in readiness to march at once on receipt 
of orders from Washington. Colonel Sumner replied, under 
date of December ist, as follows: 

" I do not feel that it would be right in me to act in this 
important matter until orders are received from the govern- 
ment. I shall be ready to move instantly when I receive 
them. I would respectfully suggest that you make your 
application extensively known at once, and that you counter- 
mand any orders that may have been given the militia until 
you receive the answer." 

The colonel seemed to understand wherein the real danger 
lay. The real danger lay in the lawlessness of the "posse" 
which Sheriff Jones had gathered about him at Franklin. 
The governor accepted the suggestion. He wrote to Jones 
ordering him to refrain from any attempt to serve writs until 
the answer should come from Washington. But Jones did 
not relish the idea of submitting his action to the inspection 
of such a man as Colonel Sumner. He knew that he had no 
case which would stand for a moment in the eyes of a clear- 
headed, fair-minded man like him. He replied to the gov- 



64 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

ernor from the "Camp at Wakarusa," under the date of 
December 3rd, that the volunteer forces at that point and at 
Lecompton were growing weary of inaction. He feared that 
they would remain but a few days longer unless a demand 
was made for the prisoner. He thought he should have a 
sufficient force to serve the writs by the next day. He was 
not disposed to disobey the governor's order, but he really 
thought the demand should be made just as soon as a suffic- 
ient force had been collected to enforce it. He added that 
the force at Lawrence was not nearly as strong as had been 
reported. He said he had sixteen writs to serve against 
persons in Lawrence. He could not give all the names as 
the writs were in his office at Lecompton. He said he had 
heard that the men who had aided in the rescue of Branson 
had been run out of town and probably could not be found. 

Governor Shannon received word from Washington that 
orders would be sent to Fort Leavenworth putting the United 
States troops there at his disposal. He was anxious Colonel 
Sumner should not wait for the formal orders, but move at 
once on the strength of his information. But Colonel Sumner v. 
refused to move until the orders were actually received. The 
orders never came and Colonel Sumner did not move. It has 
never been known why the orders promised by the president 
were never sent. Governor Robinson, in his "Conflict." 
suggests the most probable explanation. Jefferson Davis 
was secretary of war. The pro-slavery leaders were anxious 
to bring about a conflict in Kansas. Technically the law was , 
on their side, and the power was on their side. A conflict 
w'ould embarrass and perhaps crush the free-state movement. 
Jefferson Davis doubtless knew the situation and was in the 
secret of the pro-slavery counsels. He therefore never sent 
the orders which had been promised by the president. 

While this was going on. the committee of safety at Law- / 
rence were not idle. They wished to avoid a conflict, although | 





LVMAN ALLKN. WESLEY DUNCAN 

KARLY KANSAS PIONEERS. 



TO THE CT.OSK. OF THE REliEI.I.ION. 65 

they were preparing for it. So long as the two armies lay 
side by side a conflict might occur at any hour. They knew 
that the governor had been misinformed and that there wa^ 
no just reason for assembling so large a force on their borders. 
It was a continual menace and peril. They determined to 
la}' the case before the governor, and appeal to him for pro- 
tection. They wrote to the governor, therefore, and sent the 
letter by a select committee consisting of G. P. Lowry and 
C. W. Babcock. 

"To I/is Excc/U'Ncy, U'l'fsou S/iaiiuoii, Lioveruor of Kansas J'errilory : 
" Sir; As citizens of Kansas territory we desire to call your attention to the 
fact that a large force of armed men from a foreign state have assembled in 
the vicinity of Lawrence, and are now committing depredations upon our 
citizens, stopping wagons, opening and appropriating their loading, arrest- 
ing, detaining and threatening travelers upon the public road, and that they 
claim to do this by your authority. We desire to know if they do appear 
by your authority, and if you will secure the peace and quiet of the com- 
munity by ordering their instant removal, or compel us to resort to some 

other means and to higher authority." 

(Signed by the committee.) 

It was no easy matter to reach Governor Shannon. All the 
roads were guarded and all lines of communication closed. 
Lowry and Babcock had to work their way through the lines 
of the border ruffians as best they could. They were halted 
several times and detained, but they were equal to the emer- 
gency. Each time they beguiled the pickets and were allowed 
to pass on. At last they reached the governor at Shawnee, 
and presented him their letter. Their interview is set forth 
in G. P. Lowry's testimony before the congressional com- 
mittee. 

"We got to Shawnee Mission a little after simrise, and 
presented our letter to Governor Shannon. * * * Governor 
Shannon said that he would answer the letter, and we went 
out while he was doing so. When we returned we had a long 
conversation about these ' affairs. The governor said there 



66 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

had been sixteen houses burned by free-state men, and women 
and children driven out of doors. We told him we were sorry 
he had not taken the pains to inquire into the truth of the 
matter before he had brought this large force into the country, 
which perhaps he could not get out again; that this informa- 
tion was wholly false, and nothing of the kind had happened. 
We told him what we knew of our personal knowledge, of 
inen from Missouri being there. He was not inclined at first 
to admit that there was anybody from Missouri there. He 
made a general argument against the free-state men, and 
quoted their resolutions passed at different meetings in regard 
to the territorial laws. We explained to him that the terri- 
torial laws had nothing to do with this case. We w-ere get- 
ting ready at Lawrence to fight for our lives, and the only 
question was whether he would be a particcps crimiiiis to our 
murder, or the murder of somebody else, if we should all be 
slaughtered. We explained to him that the rescue, upon 
which he based his proclamation, took place a number of 
miles from Lawrence; that there were but three persons living 
in Lawrence w-ho had anything to do with it, and they had 
left the town and were not there at all; that from what we 
could judge from the force at Wakarusa, at Lecompton, and 
in the country about, from their own declarations, they in- 
tended to destroy the town for a thing in which they had no 
part or parcel." 

"We took our own individual cases as instances. We had 
not been present at the rescue; we did not undertake to have 
any sympathy with it, or talk about it at all. But if we sub- 
mitted to the force which he had called in, all our throats 
would be cut together — the innocent and the guilty — if there 
were any guilty. 

"He denied that these Missourians were here by his author- 
ity; that he had anything to do with them, or was responsible 
for them. He said he had communicated with Colonel Sum- 



TO THK CLOSK OK THK RKliKI.I.ION. 67 

ner at Fort Leavenworth, and had sent an express for him 
to meet him that night at Delaware Ferry, and go with him 
to the camp on the Wakarusa. He said he should go to Law- j 
rence and insist upon the people obeying the laws and deliver 
up their Sharpe's rifles. We denied his right, or the right of , 
anybody else, to make any such condition of a community, or 
make any such demand of them, until it had been shown that 
they had resisted the laws, which they had not done. There 
had as yet been no proceedings in Lawrence under the terri- 
torial laws. He had no right to presume that there would be 
any resistance to them when they were instituted. He . 
gave up that point after some argument. I asked him why 
he insisted on the giving up of the Sharpe's rifles, and if he 
intended to demand, too, western rifles, shot guns and other 
arms. He said he did not intend to demand other than 
Sharpe's rifles, but he intended to demand them because they • 
were an unlawful weapon. After some time he said they were 
dangerous weapons, to which I agreed. I then told him if he 
had any such ideas in his head as that, he had better stay 
away and let the fight go on. I thought the thing was not 
feasible, and he would do no good by coming here, "if those 
were his terms. I told him he might as well demand of me 
my pocket-book, or my watch; and I would resent the one 
no more than the other. I told him I did not consider myself 
safe, or that General Robinson or Colonel Lane would be safe, 
in going before our people with any such proposition. 

"He then gave us the letter and we started to Kansas City 
to change horses." 

Governor Shannon now began to "see men, as trees, walk- 
ing." He saw at least that he had acted without investijrat- • 
ing the grounds of his actions. The rumors of free-state 
outrages he had accepted as true. He now found the}- were 
false. He had called a great army to enforce laws which had 
not been resisted. Whatever the people of Lawrence had 



68 A HISTORY or LAWRENCE 

said about the territorial laws, they had not resisted them, for 
no attempt had been made to put them into operation. They 
certainly had not merited extinction at the hands of a mob, 
and they were onl}' doing Avhat any set of men would do: de- 
fending their lives. He saw that his hasty proclamation had 
brought a lot of Missourians into Kansas, and sectional pas- 
sions, as well as hate, had been appealed to. A bloody con- 
flict was likel}' to occur, and he would be held responsible for 
the consequences. His first work was to get rid of the 
sheriff's posse without any further depredations. This was 
not an easy thing to do. ^Nlan}' of them were border desper- 
adoes full of bad whiskey and worse passions. They had 
come swearing that the\- would "cut the heart out of some 
abolitionist" before they went back. While they shrank from 
confronting the Lawrence rifles, they were not disposed to be 
foiled in the purpose for which they came. 

Now that the governor began to understand the situation, 
he was anxious to avert any further violence. He repaired at 
once to the ^^'akarusa camp to endeavor to persuade the men 
to go home, and let peaceful measures be tried. He arrived 
at the camp on the evening of December 5th. He found that 
many of the officers had come to a "realizing sense" of the 
awkwardness of the situation, but the rank and file were still 
of the idea of "helping Jones wipe out Lawrence." They 
had been waiting from three to five days, living on what they 
could steal of the people, and drinking up their stock of 
whiskey. They were not disposed to go back till they had fin- 
ished their work. The governor was anxious to have Colonel 
Siimner with him to help in the negotiations, and to enforce 
the conclusions the}- might reach. His letter to him was as 

follows: 

" W.\K.\RU.sA, December 6, 1S55. 
"Colonel Sumner. First Cavalry, U. S.: 

Sir: — I send you this special dispatch to ask you to come to Lawrence as 
soon as you possibly can. My object is to secure the citizens of that place as 



TO IHK CLOSK OK THE RKliELLION. 69 

well as Others, from a warfare which, if once commenced, there is no telling 
where it will end. I doubt not that you have received orders from Wash- 
ington, but if you have not the absolute pressure of this crisis is such as to 
justify you with the president, and the world, in moving to the scene of 
the difiSculty. 

" It is hard to restrain the men here (at least they are beyond my power, 
or soon will be) from making an attack on Lawrence. The presence of 
United States troops at Lawrence would prevent an attack, save bloodshed, 
and enable us to get matters arranged in a satisfactory way; and at the same 
time secure an execution of the laws. It is peace, not war, that we want, 
and you have the power to secure peace. Time is precious; fear not that 

you will be sustained. 

" With greatest respect, 

"Wilson Shannon." 

Colonel Sumner had received no orders from Washington, 
and he was too much of a soldier to move without orders. ' 
He therefore very courteously but firmly declined. 

After conferring with the officers at the Wakarusa camp, 
Governor Shannon sent word to Lawrence that he wished 
to visit that place in the interests of peace, and asked 
for an escort. An escort was furnished, consisting of leading 
citizens of the place, led by G. P. Lowry. The governor 
was accompanied by Colonel Boone, of Westport; Colonel 
Kearney, of Independence, and General Strickler, also of 
Missouri. He entered Lawrence December 7th and went at 
once to the rooms of the committee of safet)'^ at the Free-State 
Hotel. The committee of safety was represented by Dr. 
Charles Robinson and Colonel James H. Lane. The inter- 
view lasted over an hour. He heard the whole story from the 
free-state standpoint, and found that he had been entirely 
misled as to the condition of affairs. He suggested that 
a memorandum of a treaty be drawn up which could be pre- 
sented to the other camp as a basis of settlement. He also 
urged that they surrender their arms as a condition and pledge 
of peace, but this they refused to do. 

He returned to the- camp at Wakarusa, and insisted that 



yo A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

no movement should be made while negotiations for peace 
were going on. The men in camp were almost in a state of 
mutiny, and were threatening to raise the black flag and 
march on Lawrence, orders or no orders. But the governor 
insisted that the officers must repress anv such movement, as 
an '"attack on Lawrence, in the present state of negotiations, 
would be most unjustifiable." 

Having done all in his power to impress his views on the 
ofl&cers, and to quiet the ugly temper of the men, he returned 
to Lawrence in the evening to complete the work. He had 
drawn up a paper as a basis of a treaty, and the free-state 
leaders had also drawn up one. With a few verbal changes that 
presented b}- the free-state men was accepted bv the governor. 
The governor accepted it for himself and the leaders of the 
invading army, and Robinson and Lane for the people of 
Lawrence. The --treatv" was as follows: 

"TREATY OF PEACE. 

" Where.\s, there is a misunderstanding between the people of Kansas, or 
a portion of them, and the governor thereof, arising out of the rescue at 
Hickory Point of a citizen under arrest, and other matters; and 

" Whereas, a strong apprehension exists that said misunderstanding may 
lead to civil strife and bloodshed; and 

"Where-as, it is desired by both Governor Shannon and the citizens of 
Lawrence and its vicinity to avoid a calamity so disastrous to the territor}- and 
the union, and to place all parties in a correct position before the world, now 
therefore it is agreed by said Governor Shannon, and the undersigned citi- 
zens of the territory now assembled, that the matter be settled as follows, 
to- wit: 

"We, the said citizens of said territory, protest that the said rescue was 
made without our knowledge or consent, but if any of our citizens were 
engaged in said rescue, we pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of any 
legal process against them; that we have no knowledge of the previous, 
present or prospective existence of any organization in said territory for 
resistance against the laws, and that we have not designed, and do not 
design, to resist the legal service of any criminal process therein, but pledge 
ourselves to aid in the execution of the laws, when called on by proper 



TO IHK CLOSE OF IHF. RKBF.I.LION'. "Jl 

authority, in the town or vicinity of Lawrence, and that we will use all our 
influence in preserving order therein; and we declare that we are, as we 
ever have been, ready at any time to aid the governor in securing a posse for 
the execution of such processes: Provided that any person thus arrested in 
Lawrence or vicinity, while a foreign force shall remain in the territory, 
shall be examined before a United States judge of said territory in said 
town and admitted to bail; and provided further that Governor Shannon 
agrees to use his influence to secure to the citizens of Kansas territory 
remuneration for any damage sustained, or unlawful depredations, if any 
such have been committed by the sheriff's posse in Douglas county; and 
further that Governor Shannon states that he has not called upon persons 
resident in any other state to aid in the execution of the laws, and such as 
are here in this territory are here of their own choice, and that he has not 
any authority or any legal power to do so, nor will he exercise any such 
power, and that he will not call upon any such citizen of another state who 
may be here: That we wish it understood that we do not herein express any 
opinion as to the validity of the enactments of the territorial legislature. 

(Signed) 
" Done in L.awrence, Kansas, \ "Wilson Shannon. 

December 8, 1855. \ "C. Robinson. 

"J.H.Lane." 

The agreement was very adroitly drawn, and the last clause 
in regard to the territorial legislature, left it an open question 
as to what was meant by "legal processes" and "proper 
authorities." Each side could put upon these phrases the 
interpretation which suited them. When it was read to the 
people of Lawrence, therefore, they all assented to it, and the 
"treaty" was ratified as far as they were concerned. 

The next point was to secure its adoption by the invaders 
at Franklin. This was the principal object of the treaty, to 
persuade these ruffians from Missouri to go home. This was 
no easy matter. They came up with a great deal of bluster, 
and had swaggered around for a week, boasting the great 
things they were going to do. To go home without doing 
anything, and acknowledge themselves outwitted, was very 
humiliating. 



72 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Governor Shannon was extremely anxious to affect a settle- 
ment. He realized that the difficulty would be with the 
invading ami}'. They were beyond his control, and the 
officers had little authority. Discipline was little more than 
a form and the whole multitude was coming to be a disorgan- 
ized mob. Governor Shannon had arranged to have a joint 
meeting of the leaders of each side. He asked that a delega- 
tion from Lawrence go with him to Franklin and meet with 
the leaders of the opposite party. Lane and Robinson went 
with him, when he took the treaty, to explain more fully the 
attitude of the free-state men. This meeting is best described 
in Governor Robinson's own language, as found in his "Con- 
flict:"' 

"At the meeting, in an unfinished building. Governor 
Shannon led off with an explanation of the settlement, giving 
the position occupied by the citizens of Lawrence. After him 
Colonel Lane attempted to speak, but his opening so offended 
the thirteen militia captains that they started to leave the 
room, saying they did not come to be insulted. The governor 
begged them to remain and hear Dr. Robinson. Lane did 
not proceed, and Robinson in a few words explained the 
action of the citizens of Lawrence, saying that no attempt 
had ever been made to serve any process by any officer, real 
or pretended. Jones was appealed to b}' a military captain 
to know if Robinson told the truth. Jones replied that he 
did. ' We have been damnably deceived, then. ' As to the 
Sharpe's rifles, Robinson appealed to them to say if the\- 
would as American citizens submit to be deprived of their 
constitutional right to bear arms, or if the}' would respect 
any people who would submit. The leading men saw their 
predicament, and said: 'Boys, it is no use. They have got 
us. We can do nothing this time.' The conference ended 
with a pressing invitation to remain to supper. This Robin- 
son and Lane, as it was sfettintr dark and a cold north wind 



lO THK CLOSK OK THK RKHF.LLIOX. 73 

had arisen with lieav)' slt-Lt, tried to decline. But they said 
Governor Shannon and party had dined with Robinson, and 
no refusal would be accepted. When supper was over it was 
so dark no object was visible, and the sound of the horses' 
lioofs on the hard ground was the only guide. A solitary 
horseman started to escort the visitors through the line, but 
he proceeded only a few hundred yards when he said good- 
night, and left his charge to get through the lines as best they 
could. At this Lane said: 'Hurry up. This means assassin- 
ation. They mean to kill us.' He started his horse on a 
run. * * * Deep gullies had been washed in the road at this 
point, causing the travelers to turn sharply to the right to 
avoid them. As Robinson's horse was on the left, his horse 
ran into one of these gullies, while Lane's horse escaped. 
The horse fell with great force, and for some minutes was 
unable to rise. No damage was done, hoAvever, except the 
delay." 

Sheriff Jones and his friends w^ere very sullen at the turn 
affairs had taken. All the hot-heads were ver}' bitter at the 
governor for interfering, and there was a good deal of grum- 
bling in the invaders' camp. But the old saying that "for- 
tune favors the brave " was again made good. The weather 
had been delightful during the whole week, so that man}^ of 
the soldiers on both sides were in summer clothes. But on 
Saturda}-, December 8th, the day of the treaty, there was one 
of those sudden changes for which Kansas is noted. The 
wind veered to the north, and in the evening a tremendous 
sleet storm set in — a regvdar Dakota blizzard. Though Da- 
kota was not then known, her blizzards were as terrifific as 
they have been since. The cold became so intense that the 
zeal of the Missourians was cooled off, and even "Dutch 
courage" was found to be a poor defense against ten degrees 
below zero. The blustering braggarts of a sunny afternoon 

•' Now folth'd tlieir tt'iits lik<.< the Arul)s." 



74 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

and scud for home. They might defy the governor's procla- 
mation, but when the north wind joined with the governor, 
they yielded and fell into line for the home march, or more 
properly the home rush. 

Governor Shannon returned to Lawrence after peace was 
assured highly pleased with the outcome of affairs. In the l\p- 
evening the ladies arranged a sort of banquet in his honor. 
The}' all did their best to make it pleasant for the governor. 
Although it was Sunday evening, and Lawrence was a sort 
of Puritan town, neither the stillness of the Sabbath nor the 
austerity of Puritan customs characterized the banquet. Dr. 
Robinson and a large portion of the people of Lawrence were 
teetotalers, yet there is a tradition that tea was not the only ^ 
drink furnished. At all events the governor was delighted, 
and said it was the "happiest day of his life." Lawrence 
people were also happy. But the course of true love never 
did run smooth, and some boulders were thrown into the 
course of this current. Right in the midst of this delightful 
"era of good feeling" a report was brought in that the Mis- 
sourians, instead of going home as the governor had ordered 
them, were marching on Lawrence and were going to "wipe it 
out." The thing was not at all unlikely, and when the report 
came to the governor's ears he was very much disturbed. He 
knew these fellows had no very kind feelings towards him. 
If they came he would fare no better than the hated aboli- 
tionists. 

"What shall we do?" said Robinson. 

"Call out your men and defend the town as best you can." 

"But the charge against us has been acting without au- 
thority, and defying the law." 

"I will give you authorit)''," the governor said. 

He at once wrote out the following paper: 

" To Charles Kobiiisoii and J. II. Lane: 

"You are hereby authorized and directed to take such measures and use 



TO IHK CLOSE OF THE REI1ELI.ION. 75 

the enrolled forces under your command in such manner, for the preserva- 
tion of the peace and property of the people of Lawrence and vicinity, as in 

your judgment shall best secure that end. 

"(Signed) Wilson Shannon. 
"Lawrence, December g, 1855." 

The foe did not come. It was a ver}' common feeling that 
the free-state men did not expect him. It was the common 
opinion that the report came from another room in the hotel, 
and was intended to accomplish just what it did accomplish. 
When Governor Shannon learned several days after that a < 
hoax had been perpetrated on him for the sake of securing 
the order he had written for Robinson and Lane, he "let his 
angry passions rise," and expressed himself in some vigorous J 
English. 

Monday evening, December loth, there was a grand peace i/ 
party at the Free-State Hotel. Governor Shannon did not 
remain, but a number of the invaders were there as invited 
guests, and among them Sheriff Jones. The hotel was illum- 
inated, a long table was spread, the band played, and 
speeches w'ere made by Robinson and Lane and many others. 
The festivities continued until far into the night. The next 
day, Tuesday, the soldiers were dismissed and went home 
rejoicing. The companies from a distance were cheered by 
the Lawrence people as they passed out. 

The only casualty of the siege was the killing of Thomas 
W. Barber. Andreas, in his history, gives an account of this 
murder, which is perhaps as near the truth as it is possible to 
get: 

"Thomas W. Barber, with his young wife, had taken a 
claim just north of the Wakarusa, seven miles above Blanton's 
bridge, about eight miles southwest of Lawrence, and perhaps 
a mile on the road between the Bloomington settlement and 
that town. He had gone up to the defense with the rest of 
the Bloomington free-state men, contrary to the wishes of his 
wife, who had strong premonitions, which she expressed to 



76 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

him, that he would never return alive. On Tuesday noon, 
December 6th, all being quiet, but the town being still in a 
state of siege, he started to visit his wife, in company with 
his brother, Robert, and his brother-in-law, Thomas M. Pear- 
son, both members of the same compan}-, and having claims 
near his. His companions had revolvers. They were all 
mounted, and had ridden some three miles out of Lawrence 
when they discovered a party of horsemen, numbering ten or 
twelve, approaching them from the direction of Lecompton. 
It afterwards proved to be a party from the camp near that 
place on their way to the Wakarusa camp. Two of the party, 
George W. Clarke, government Indian agent for the Potta- 
watomie Indians, and James Burnes, known as Colonel * 
Burnes, a merchant of Westport, Missouri, left the main 
party, rode across so as to confront them in their road, and 
ordered them to halt. Angry words were bandied, the Bar- 
bers refused to turn back at the command of the highwaymen, 
who obstructed their way. Pistols were drawn on both sides, 
and shots fired. Thomas Barber, the only unarmed man, 
received a shot in his side. He rode a hundred yards, told 
his brother, with a faint, sickly smile, that 'that fellow hit 
him.' He rode swaying in his saddle supported by his brother 
a little further, then slipped off in the dust, and died a little 
later in the road. His brother and Pearson, fearing further 
violence, fled, leaving the body in the highway. The credit 
of the murder was claimed by both Clarke and Burnes. 
Neither of them knew which fired the fatal shot. Clarke said 
to an acquaintance three days after, 'I tried to kill him, and 
if it was not me, I wish it had been.' History will rank them 
as a brace of murderers, it matters not who gave the coup de 
g!-ace. " 

When the body of Barber was brought to Lawrence the 
settlement was at fever heat. Only the cool counsel of Rob- y 
inson and other leaders prevented the armed men from rush- 



■|0 THE CLOSE OE THE REHEI.LION. y7 

ing out and attacking the invaders in their camp and avenging 
the murder of their comrade. The body of Barber lay in the 
hotel the next day when Governor Shannon came to confer 
with the committee of safety. He was much moved by the 
sight, and it had much to do with his eagerness to bring about 
a peaceful settlement. 

The funeral of Thomas W. Barber was one of the closing 
features of the campaign. The military companies attended 
and the scene was very solemn and impressive. Dr. Robin- 
son pronounced a funeral oration which is interesting as 
showing the temper of the times. The oration was published 
later in the Herald of Freedom. The following extract will 
show the tenor of the speech: 

"By whose act do the remains of the lamented Thomas 
Barber now await interment at our hands? By whose hand 
is his wife made a widow? By whose instrumentality are 
we made to mourn the untimely fall of a brave comrade and 
a worthy citizen? Report says Thomas Barber was murdered 
in cold blood by an officer, an officer of the government, who 
was a member of the sheriff's posse, which was commissioned 
by the governor, who is backed by the president of the United 
States. Was Thomas Barber murdered? Then are the men 
who killed him, and the officials by whose authority they 
acted, his murderers. And if the laws are to be enforced, 
then will the Indian agent, the governor, and the president, 
be convicted and punished for murder. There is work enough 
for the law and order men to do, and let us hfar no more 
about resistance to the laws, until this work is done. If all 
Missouri must be aroused, and the whole nation convulsed to 
serve a peace warrant on an unoffending citizen, may we not 
expect some slight effort to bring these capital offenders to 
justice?" 

No effort was ever made to bring these "capital offenders 
to justice," and they not only remained at large, but boasted 
of their deed as something to be proud of. 



78 A HISTORY OF LAWREN'CE 

Another incident of the Wakarusa war is aUuded to by 
Prof. L. W. Spring in one of the most eloquent passages of 
his book. Having spoken of the general satisfaction with 
which the treaty of peace was received, he quotes an excep- 
tion. 

'•A single voice was raised in solemn and public protest 
against the peace. After the treaty and its stipulations had 
become known: after the speeches of felicitation on the happ)- 
subsidence of troubles which threatened to engulf the settle- 
ment, had been made, an unknown man — tall, slender, angu- 
lar; his face clean shaved, sombre, strongly lined, of Puritan 
tone and configuration; his blue-gray eyes honest, inexorable; 
strange unworldly intensities enveloping him like an atmos- 
phere — mounted a dry goods box and began to denounce the 
treat\' as an attempt to gain by foolish uncomprehending 
make-shift what could be compassed only by shedding of 
blood. Since that day the name of this unknown man, 
plucked down from the dry goods box with his speech mostly 
unspoken, has filled the post horns of the world — Old John 
Brown."' 

This was the first appearance of old John Brown among the 
free-state men of Kansas. His sons had come to Kansas the 
year before, to make themselves homes in the new country. 
They were so annoyed and harrassed by marauders from 
Missouri that they wrote to their father for arms to defend 
themselves. The old man had been for years a foe of human 
slavery. He concluded it was time to strike a blow for free- 
dom. So he came out to Kansas to join his sons, and arrived 
some weeks before the Wakarusa invasion. When he heard 
of the siege of Lawrence, he started with his four sons for the 
place to join in the defense. He arrived the day Governor 
Shannon came to confer in regard to peace. He was wel- 
comed and put in command of a company. He did not like 
the treaty of peace. He thought the miscreants should have 



TO IHK CLOSE OK THE KEIiEI.I.ION. 79 

been driven away b}' bullets, and taught a lesson, and not 
parleyed with. But the people were too glad to be relieved 
from the strain and peril, and refused to listen to him. 

John Brown was one of the unique characters which the 
Kansas struggle drew out. He was a man by himself. Very 
few of the free-state men agreed with him in his polic}' or 
action. Many of them were in constant fear that he would 
precipitate a conflict by some rash deed. He came to Kansas 
because he hated slavery, and his hatred of it was as a fire 
to his bones. He had a further thought than the freeing of 
Kansas. As he said to Governor Robinson once, "he wanted 
to strike a blow at slavery." A little incident in his early life 
may throw light on his later conduct. In 1837 the family 
lived on a farm in the Western Reserve, Ohio. They were 
members of the village church near by. When Elijah P. 
Lovejo^' was killed at Alton by a pro-slavery mob, the news 
reached the village on the evening of the week-day prayer 
meeting. The members of the church all being intensely 
anti-slaver}', the killing of Lovejoy became the theme of the 
meeting. John Brown and his father were present. After 
the meeting had proceeded some time, the elder Brown 
arose and offered a marvelous prayer. He seemed to 
take the case right up to the. heavenly court, and lay it 
before the Righteous Judge. Everybody was electrified 
by the prayer. At its conclusion John Brown arose and made 
a vow, that ''he would devote his life to unceasing hostility 
to human slavery." One is reminded of the boy Hannibal, 
taken by his father into the Carthagenian temple, and made 
to swear eternal enmity to Rome. Thirty years later that 
vow echoed on the plains of Italy in the tramp of conquering 
legions. And the vow of this young man in the village church 
in Ohio echoed, eighteen years later, on the plains of Kansas, 
and a few 3^ears later still echoed again in the tramp of armies, 
who saiig; 

'■.Joliii Rrown's body lies iiiouldoi-iii',' in llic l;i;iv(> 
Wliilc his soul !,'<)i's uiiirciiiiij; 011." 



CHAPTER VI. 

A Hard Winter. — Conflict Takes a New Form in the 
Spring. — The Courts Come to the Rescue. — Judge 
Lecompte's Charge. — The Grand Jury's Indictment. — 
High Treason. — The Sacking of Lawrence. — Burning 
OF the Free-State Hotel and Printing Offices. 

The year 1855 had been a jear of much progress in 
Lawrence. Immigration flowed in continually, and many 
improvements were made. The hay tent seems to liave dis- 
appeared, and the shake shanty and the log cabin took its 
place. There were even a few fairly built frame houses 
erected, and some of stone or "concrete," as it was called. ' 
The people were more comfortably housed than they were 
the year before. Still there was a good deal of exposure and 
a good deal of suffering, as many new-comers were but ver}^ 
inadequately sheltered. Most of the business houses were 
temporar}- affairs made to serve the occasion. The most sub- 
stantial improvement was the building of the Free-State Hotel 
on the site of the present Eldridge House. It was built by 
the Emigrant Aid Company- at a cost of about $20,000. It 
was fifty feet front and seventy feet deep, three stories high, 
with a basement story. It was of stone and quite solidh' 
built. It was begun in the spring of 1855, but not completed 
until the following spring. The roof was on at the time of the 
Wakarusa war, and it furnished an excellent shelter for the 
troops and headquarters for the leaders. It rendered import- 
ant service even in its unfinished condition. 

Three churches were formed during this year, 1855. In 
the spring of that year Rev. Ephriam Nute was sent out by 
the American Unitarian Association, and commenced holding 
services in the open air. About the same time Mr. E. B. 
Whitman, a man who had been prominent in educational 




^^ WR; 




WILSON SHANNON, 

•rritoriul GoveriK)r '.">.V.">(i. 





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C. \V. KABCOCK. 
I'lc^idciit T.M-it.>riiil Couiicil 



SOLON O. THACHEK, 

'I'l'iii. Cliairniiin Const it lUional ('(iii\ ciil ion 



MEN WHO MADE KANSAS HISTORY. 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 8 1 

affairs in Massachusetts, came to Lawrence and joined with 
Mr. Nute in the work of developing a Unitarian Church, 
They took steps towards securing a house of worship, but the 
troubles of the summer prevented their doing much at that 
time. Mr. Nute was quite prominent in public affairs. He 
was a man of fine address, great energy, and was perfectly 
fearless in speech and conduct. His spirited letters to eastern 
papers did much to increase the public interest in the Kansas 
question. 

The Methodists commenced services in Lawrence late in 
the fall of 1854, and a class was formed in the following 
spring. But the class became scattered and soon disbanded. 
During the summer, however, Rev. L. B. Dennis succeeded 
in making a .permanent organization. They held their ser- 
vices in the open air under one of the trees in Central Park. 
Here the church was 'formed, and here they continued to 
worship during the summer. Later in the season they secured 
a room in the "Union House," and the following summer 
they worshiped again in a tent. 

The Baptist Church was formed June 25th, 1855, and 
included the following persons: J. S. Emery, M. M. Ham- 
mond, S. Jones, Rebecca W. W. Jones, W. F. Herrick, 
Lj'dia A. Herrick, Elizabeth Parks. The}^ worshiped in the 
private homes of the members for several months, and then 
in more public rooms and halls as they could secure them. 

The times, however, were not favorable for church work or 
church growth. The disturbances kept the minds of the peo- 
ple in a continual ferment all summer, and little else was 
thought of beyond the public defense. All the religious 
services were compelled to adapt themselves to the exigencies 
of the times. They were held here and there as was found 
possible, and sometimes they were entirely suspended for 
weeks together. It was no unusual thing for church services 
to be interrupted by a call for the men to rally for the defense 



82 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

of the town. At other times the women and children only 
met, the men being away on duty. One of the pastors of this 
period writes: "All the public buildings are turned into 
barracks, the preaching hall with the rest, and nothing is 
thought of but the best means of defense." 

The same happened in regard to the schools. The people 
were determined to have a free school whenever possible. 
Mr. E. P. Fitch opened a school in January of this year, 
1855, and Miss Kate Kellogg opened a school in June and 
continued three months. But the disturbances so thickened 
later on that no further effort was made in this line until the 
following year. 

There had been much more progress in the unifying of the 
community than in the enlarging of it. They were all inspired 
by a common purpose, and they were all confronted by com- 
mon danger. These two causes drove the community together 
in a peculiar way. They felt the need of each other's sym- 
pathy in a way that created a peculiar bond, and the compan- 
ions of those trying times ever after had a strong interest in 
each other. They knew each other better than citizens of 
older communities after j^ears of association. They were so 
dependent on each other, both for protection and friendship, 
that the common jealousies and cliques and classes that usu- 
ally play so large a part, had little chance to develop. In a 
very peculiar way and in a very unusual degree they were a 
unit, understanding each other and helping each other. 
Their attitude towards the territorial laws made them unusu- 
ally considerate of one another. They did not recognize the 
territorial laws, and so could not appeal to the territorial 
courts. They had to settle their differences among them- 
selves. This made them very careful to avoid differences and 
disputes. It put them all 'Minder bonds to keep the peace." 

Another peculiaritv of this time was the identity of interest 
in town and country. As far as communit}^ of feeling was 



TO THE CLOSK OF THK REBELLION. 83 

concerned, the country about Lawrence for fifteen miles was 
simply an extension of Lawrence itself. They had all come 
for one purpose, and they all had one cause. Their attach- 
ment to the common cause was stronger than any local attach- 
ment. They were all one community, and whether they 
happened to live inside the limits or outside made little dif- 
ference. They had come to make Kansas a free state: that 
was the common bond. Where they should live was a sec- 
ondary consideration. Some of them remained in town, and 
others went out into the country' ; but they were none the less 
one people, with one chief purpose. As far as interest and 
loyalty was concerned, Lawrence had just as good citizens 
ten miles out as in the center of town. They were all one 
compact people. To the westward, for example, the Barbers, 
Thomas Pierson, Captain Walker, Charles W. Smith, and 
many others, were just as loyal to Lawrence and just as ready 
to rally to her defense as if the}' lived within the limits. To 
the east and south it was the same way. Major J. B. Abbott, 
a man of rare courage and coolness, lived beyond the Waka- 
rusa. He was born a leader, and did a great deal of valliant 
service. He was a sort of outpost to Lawrence. They 
began to touch Lawrence when they came to where he lived, 
and were very apt to feel something of the force of Lawrence 
as well. Then still further out there was Thadeus Prentice,, 
an original character, who in appearance might be considered 
a companion piece to Jim Lane. He had a rare faculty of 
getting news. If any mischief was brewing in his direction, 
he would somehow get wind of it by a sort of instinct, by a 
sort of sixth sense. Whenever he felt that there was some- 
thing in the air of this kind, he would mount his horse and 
ride into Lawrence. Whenever the people saw the tall, 
gaunt figure of '-Thad. Prentice" coming down the street, 
they knew that it was "tidings, my Lord, tidings." He 
always came in with a smile, greeting his friends on the street 



§4 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

as he passed. He had many quaint expressions which came 
to seem like a part of him. If everything was favorable he 
would reply to the questions asked him, "Oh, everything is 
lovely and the goose hangs high." These are but a few of 
those Avho, all around Lawrence, were just as much interested 
in her defense as those who lived within the town limits. 

Up to December 8th the winter had been very mild. On 
the evening of that day a cold rain set in, which soon changed 
to sleet and snow. From that on the winter was very severe, 
said by some to be the severest ever known in the histor}' of 
Kansas. The settlers were poorly prepared to face such a 
winter. The previous winter had been so mild that the need 
of protection against cold was not understood. The houses 
were open and exposed. Log cabins poorly chinked and 
shake shanties with gaping sides were a poor defense against 
a genuine northwester. The wind found its way through 
openings in the sides, and the snow sifted through the loosely 
constructed roof. It was no unusual thing to find six inches 
of snow on the floor in the morning. One lady said that 
water often froze iipon her shawl as she stood over a hot 
stove cooking breakfast. Colonel Sam' Walker says in a letter 
"that they often had to go to bed to keep from freezing.'" 
The severity of the winter had one favorable effect. It put 
a stop to all military movements, and if the people were cold 
they were quiet. They did not have to stand guard by night, 
nor march against the foe by day. They did not have much, 
but they were not in constant fear of having what little they 
had stolen. 

A letter written by Captain Sam. Walker during this winter 
may be taken as illustrating the common condition: 

"I failed to complete my log house before the winter of 
1855-56 set in. The sides were up, roofed, and partly plas- 
tered when the Wakarusa war interrupted work. On my 
return home, on the conclusion of peace, the cold was so 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 85 

severe that nothing more could be done, and we had to shift 
the best we could till warmer weather. Our cabin had no 
floor, but we were as well off in this particular as most of our 
neighbors. Chinks and fissures abounded in roof and gable, 
as the green slabs with which they were covered warped 
badly. Seven of us made up the family, five children mostly 
small. At times when the winds were bleakest we actually 
went to bed as the only escape from freezing. More than 
once we woke in the morning to find six inches of snow in the 
cabin. To get up and make one's toilet under such circum- 
stances was not a very comfortable performance. The wolf 
was never very far from our door during that hard winter of 

1855-56." 

Though the settlers were not molested during this severe 
weather, they knew the quiet was only temporary. The 
opening of spring would bring a renewal of hostilities. The 
hordes that had left Franklin so sullenl}' did not propose to 
drop the controversy. They saw they had made a mistake, 
and the free-state men had profited by it. Next time they 
would plan more wisely. They would not be caught in court 
again without a case. All over Missouri and the south 
preparations were going on to push the controversy to a 
successful issue for slavery. The shrewdest men in the land 
were planning together for the summer campaign. The 
general idea was to make it so uncomfortable for the free- 
state men that they would flee the country, and so that others 
would not come. 

The line of attack was not hard to determine. The free- 
state men occupied a position that was difficult to maintain. 
They knew that the Shawnee legislature had been elected by 
Missouri votes. They pronounced its enactments an imposi- 
tion and a fraud. They determined to ignore them and as far 
as possible to nullify them or destroy their effect. The laws 
were of the most extreme pro-slavery type. They not only 



^t» A HlsrOKV OK I AWKKNCK 

protected slave properr\\ but punished all acts and expressions 
against slavery* with great severit\". They could not even 
discuss the subject without becoming liable to criminal prose- 
cution. Their only course was to ignore these laws and 
practically nullify them. Then nobody would dare to bring 
any slaves into Kansas. If there were no slaves in Kansas. 
-laver\- would not really exist, even though the laws did 
recognize it. In two years there would be another election, 
and by that time the free-state men felt they would be strong 
enough to take possession of all the machinery' of government 
and shape the laws to suit themselves. If they could only 
keep things as they were till the next election, immigration 
from tlie north would do the rest. 

The pro-slaver\- people, on the other hand, strove to force 
an immediate issue. They laid their plans to compel the 
free-state men to recognize the bogus laws, or else resist the 
officials charged with tlieir enforcement. The problem of the 
free-state men was to ignore the bogus laws and yet avoid a 
collision. They might suffer violence, but as far as possible 
they were to avoid doing \-iolence. Above all they were to 
avoid anv collision with the autliorir\- of the United States. 

Another element entered into the problem which must be 
mentioned that tlie whole situation may be understood. That 
element grew out of what has been referred to as the '• Topeka 
movement." The free-state policy had its negative side in 
the rejection of the bogus laws. It had its positive side in 
the adoption of the Topeka constitution. During the autumn 
of 1S55 the free-state people held a constitutional convention 
at Topeka which framed a state constitution. They then sent 
it to congress and asked to be received into the union as a 
state. The house of representatives passed the bill admitting 
Kansas as a state, but the senate rejected it. Thus the move- 
ment failed in congress, but it was kept alive in Kansas as a 
rallying point of defense. An election was held in January 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 87 

for State officers, and Dr. Robinson was elected governor. 
The legislature then chosen met in March and organized, and 
Governor Robinson sent in his message. No attempt was 
made, however, to put the state government into operation. 
But the thought was to do this if the situation became intol- 
erable. The occasion never came and the Topeka government 
and constitution never went into effect. 

As spring opened the policy of the pro-slaver}- men began 
to manifest itself. It was a deeply laid, shrewd scheme. It 
went on the assumption that the attitude of the free-state men 
toward the bogus laws was rebellion, and that the actors in 
the Topeka free-state movement were guilty of treason. They 
proposed to have the free-state leaders indicted for high 
crimes, and either have them arrested or compelled to flee 
from the territory. This will give a general clue to the new 
line of attack, and will show the animus and purpose of the 
violent proceedings which followed. 

One of the difficulties of such a position as the free-state 
men were trj'ing to maintain is that somebody is liable to go 
beyond the bounds defined by those who marked out the 
policy, and commit some deed which is abhorrent to them all, 
and which compromises them all. This happened several 
times during the Kansas struggle, and made that struggle 
much more severe and embarrassing. Such a thing happened 
just at the juncture of which we are speaking. The free-state 
men often had occasion to pray, "Save us from our friends." 
April iSth Sheriff Jones came into Lawrence to arrest some 
of the Branson rescuers. He did not succeed, and appeared 
again the next day and tried to arrest Samuel F. Tappan, but 
Tappan struck him in the face and escaped. This was as 
good a thing as Jones wanted. He now applied for a posse, 
and the governor gave him an officer and ten soldiers. April 
23rd he appeared in town thus supported and arrested a 
number of citizens on various charges, most of them for 



88 A HISTORY OF I.AWRENX'E 

''contempt of court" in not assisting him to make arrests on 
his previous visits. He was particularly offensive and inso- 
lent, and remained in tovv'n over night. While he was in the 
tent of his militar}- posse, someone in the darkness outside 
shot him and wounded him. The man who fired the shot 
disappeared, but the citizens disavowed the act and offered 
five hundred dollars reward for the arrest of the assassin. 
Still they were held responsible for the crime, and it was 
used with great effect in stirring the passions of the pro- 
slavery people. It has never been known how severe a 
wound Jones received. He was reported in the pro-slavery 
papers as "foully murdered," "mortally wounded," "struck 
down in the night." As he was able to lead in the sacking of 
Lawrence less than a month after, his wound could not have 
been so very severe. But the affair was very unfortunate, as 
it added to the flame and placed the free-state men in a very 
awkward position. 

The pro-slavery people brought to their aid the powerful 
influence of the judiciary of the territory. They had the 
forms of law, and they proposed to use them for all they 
were worth. The grand jury of Douglas county met at Le- 
compton early in May. Samuel D. Lecompte gave a charge 
which foreshadowed the new line of attack. He definetl 
treason so as to point very plainly to the leaders of the free- 
state party. Among other things he said: 

"This territory was organized by an act of congress, and so 
far its authority is from the United States. It has a legisla- 
ture elected in pursuance of that organic act. This legisla- 
ture being an instrument of congress by which it governs the 
territory, has passed laws. Those laws, therefore, are of 
United States authority and making, and all who resist those 
laws resist the po\v( r and authority of the United States, and 
are therefore guilty of Jtii^li tnason. Now, gentlemen, if you 
luul that an}' persons have resisted these laws, then you must. 




§ o 



2. R 




TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIiELI.lON. 89 

under your oath, find bills against them for /ligh treason. If 
you find that no such resistance has been made, but that 
combinations have been formed for the purpose of resisting 
them, and individuals of notoriety have been aiding and abet- 
ting in such combinations, then must you find bills for con- 
structivc treason.'''' 

The mill having been set up by the chief justice, the grand 
jury began to grind out its grist of indictments. The first 
victim was ex-Governor Reeder. He was summoned before 
the grand jury, but he refused to obey the summons, as he 
was then attending the sessions of the congressional investi- 
gating committee, which was sitting in Lawrence. Deputy 
Marshal Fain then came to him with an order for his arrest 
for contempt of court. Reeder refused to be arrested, and 
told the marshal to touch him at his peril. This only made 
matters worse, as he woidd now be indicted for resisting an 
officer. He soon saw there was no escape except in flight. 
He fled in disguise to Kansas City, where he was concealed 
for several days in a friendly hotel. He was taken on board 
a steamboat going down the river. Going to a wooding sta- 
tion, below Kansas City, he jumped aboard disguised as a 
wood chopper. The captain of the boat of course was in the 
secret. He thus passed down the Missouri river and escaped 
safely into the free states. In the rooms of the State Histor- 
ical Society at Topeka is a painting of Governor Reeder as he 
appeared in disguise. He is dressed as an Irish laborer, with 
a stick in liis hand, an old clay pipe in his mouth, and an ax 
on his shoulder on which is suspended his "luggage" tied up 
in a handkerchief. It would be an expert detective who 
would suspect that this curious outfit was taking the distin- 
guished ex-governor of Kansas out of the territory. 

The plan of the grand jury was to proceed rapidly against 
all of the free-state leaders — Robinson, Lane, Wood, Brown, 
Jenkins, and others — and have them indicted for treason 



go A HISTORY OK LAWRKNCE 

These men would either have to leave the country or be 
arrested and held as prisoners. Either result would tend to 
demoralize the free-state men. The jury conducted their 
business in secret, and did not intend to have their plan made 
public till they were ready to execute it. But one of the 
jurymen, who had a warm side towards some of the free-state 
men, warned them of their danger. All the men connected-) 
with the defense of Lawrence, and all those connected with', 
the Topeka state government were to be indicted. Congress- [ 
men Howard and Sherman, of the congressional committee, 
and Governor Robinson and others held a council that night 
to decide upon a line of action. It was decided, among other 
things, that Robinson should go east at once to lay the situa- 
tion before the governors and people of eastern states, and 
also to be out of the Avay when the indictments were to be 
served. He and Mrs. Robinson as soon as possible took a 
boat at Kansas City and proceeded eastward. When they 
reached Lexington, Missouri, a company of men came on 
board, pounded at his stateroom door, and told him he must 
leave the boat and come ashore. He asked them why he 
must be detained, and the}' replied, that they understood that 
he was a fugitive from justice. He told them there was no 
indictment against him and he had a right to do as he pleased. 
But his words availed nothing. They were determined to 
take him. The arrest Avas entirely arbitrary. They had no 
authority whatever, but they had received word from Kansas 
to hold him at all hazzards, until the in dictment couldbe made 
out and the proper papers sent on. Mrs. Robinson was 
allowed to go on her journey, taking with her the papers and 
testimony they were bearing to eastern friends. They held 
the governor thus for nearly a week before the papers for his 
arrest were received. He was then taken back to Kansas. 
At Leavenworth a pro-slavery mob threatened to hang him, 
but were prevented from carrying out their purpose. He was 



TO THE CI.OSK OF THE KEHELLION. gx 

then taken to Lecompton, where he and other free-state men 
were kept in a prison camp for several months. Among those 
prisoners under charge of high treason were such men as 
Charles Robinson, George W. Deitzler, G. W. Brown, Gains 
Jenkins. Lane and Sam Wood were indicted but were out of 
reach. No attempt seems to have been made to arrest old 
John Brown. He was probably omitted because he was not 
a comfortable man to handle. 

This wonderful grand jury distinguished itself in another 
line. It first indicted all the free-state leaders — some for 
things they had done, and some for things it was supposed 
they intended to do. But they were not content with search- 
ing the thoughts and interests of the heart. They turned 
their attention to subjects where there was no heart to search. 
The)^ seemed to have discovered what some writer calls "the 
total depravity of inanimate things." In accordance with 
this principle they made the following presentment which is 
certainly original in the doings of courts: 

" The grand jury, setting for the adjourned term of the first district court 
in and for the county of Douglas, in the territory of Kansas, beg leave to 
report to the honorable court, that, from evidence before them showing the 
Herald of Freedom, published at the town of Lawrence, has from time to 
time issued publications of the most inflammatory and sedicious character, 
denying the legality of the territorial authorities, advising and demanding 
forcible resistance to the same, demoralizing the public mind, and rendering 
life and property unsafe, even to the extent of advising assassination as a 
last resort. 

" Also that the paper known as the Free State has been similarly engaged, 
and has recently reported the resolutions of a public meeting in Johnson 
county, in this territory, in which resistance to the territorial laws even unto 
blood has been agreed upon, and that we respectfully recommend their 
abatement as a nuisance. 

" Also that we are satisfied that the building known as the Free-State 
Hotel in Lawrence has been constructed with a view to military occupation 
and defense, and regularly parapetted and port-holed for the use of cannon 
and small arms, and could only be designed as a stronghold for resistance 
to law, thereby endangering the public safety and encouraging rebellion and 



92 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

sedition to the country; and we respectfully recommend that steps be taken 
whereby this nuisance may be removed. 

"Owen Stewart, Forctnau." 

The Free-tSate Hotel mentioned in this'presentment had 
just been completed and furnished. It had been erected by 
the Emigrant Aid Company, and was probably the best 
building in the territory. It was certainly the best equipped 
hotel. There was nothing about it of a military character, 
unless its strong stone walls could be so considered. There 
was a motive in the indictment but it does not appear in the 
wording of it. The great lack of Lawrence had been a good 
hotel. People were hindered from coming to Kansas because 
they could not be comfortably cared for when they got here. 
Now they could tell the comfort-loving emigrant that Lawrence 
had as good a hotel as he would find in St. Louis. He 
could find a roof and a room the day he arrived, and need not 
live out of doors till he could build a cabin. It was bound 
to prove an effective element in drawing free-state men to 
Kansas, and the whole question was one of immigration. The 
policy of the pro-slavery men was to keep away free-state set- 
tlers. To destroy this hotel was to remove a powerful attrac- 
tion. All these disturbances had largely the same motive. 
They would keep the country in such a state of confusion and 
terror that settlers would be kept awa}'. 

The novelty of the proceedings becomes more manifest 
when we remember that the sheriff took the indictment of the 
grand jury for an order of the court. The legal process never 
went any further. There was no citation, and no trial and no 
sentence. These were trifles with which these high-minded 
men could not be troubled. They could not wait for formali- 
ties. The king's business demanded haste. The execution 
was the chief thing, and the execution anticipated all trial and 
all evidence. Lawrence, that foul nest of abolitionists, must 
be humiliated, and her free-spoken newspapers must be 
destroyed. 



■|0 THE CLOSE or THE KEBELLIOX. 93 

On the eleventh day of May, the United States marshal 
issued his proclamation. He stated that an attempt had been 
made to execute writs by the United States deputy marshal, 

" Who was evidently resisted by a large number of the citizens of Law- 
rence, and there is every reason to believe that an attempt to execute these 
writs will be resisted by a large body of armed men; now, therefore, the 
law abiding citizens of the territory are commanded to be and appear at 
Lecompton, as soon as practicable, and in numbers sufficient for the execu- 
tion of the law. 

"I. B. DONALOSON, 

" i'nitcd Stales Marshal for Kansas Terrilory." 
The proclamation was posted in a few pro-slavery towns, 
and in Missouri. The response was so prompt that armed 
men began to gather before the free-state men had become 
aware of the proclamation. They saw at once what the thing 
meant. It was a plot to humiliate, or destroy Lawrence. 
The plan had been more carefully laid than in the Wakarusa 
war. The United States court had issued the order, and a 
United States marshal was to execute it. The people of 
Lawrence must tamely submit, or resist United States author- 
ity. They saw at once the seriousness of the situation, and 
bestirred themselves to avert the blow. The citizens held a 
meeting on the tenth of May and passed resolutions appealing 
to Governor Shannon to protect them from this army from 
another state. The governor replied that "there was no 
force around or approaching Lawrence, except the legally 
constituted posse of the United States marshal, and the sheriff 
of Douglas county, each of whom, I am informed, has a number 
of writs in their hands for execution against persons in Law- 
rence. I can in no way interfere with either of these officers 
in the discharge of their official duties. 

"If the citizens of Lawrence submit themselves to the 
territoritorial laws, and aid and assist the marshal and sheriff 
in the execution of processes in their hands, as all good citi- 
zens are bound to do w^hen called upon, they, or all such, will 



94 



A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 



entitle themselves to the protection of the law. But so long 
as they keep up a military or armed organization to resist the 
territorial laws, and the officers charged with their execution, 
I shall not interfere to save them from the legitimate conse- 
quences of their illegal acts." 

There was not much comfort in this letter and no hope of 
help from the governor. Another meeting was called of 
which Colonel Phillips in his Conquest of Kansas gives a 
report. 

"The harsh partisan letter of the governor could not be 
regarded as anything short of a declaration of war. As the 
people of Lawrence were anxious to avert trouble, a meeting 
was held and the following action taken: 

" ' Whereas, By proclamation to the people of Kansas territory, by I. B. 
Donaldson, United States marshal for said territory, issued on the nth of 
May, 1856, it is asserted that certain judicial writs of arrest have been 
directed to him by the First District Court of the United States, to be 
executed within the county of Douglas, and that an attempt to execute them 
by the deputy marshal was violently resisted by a large number of the 
citizens of Lawrence, and there is every reason to believe that any attempt 
to execute them will be resisted by a large body of armed men, therefore, 

" ' A'fso/7'cci, By this public meeting of the citizens of Lawrence, held 

this 13th day of May, 1856, that the allegations and charges against us, 

contained in the aforesaid proclamation, are wholly untrue in fact, and in 

the conclusion drawn from them. The aforesaid marshal was resisted in no 

wise whatever, nor by any person whatever in the execution of said 

writs, except by him whose arrest the said deputy marshal was seeking to 

make; and that we now, as we have done heretofore, declare our willingness 

and determination, without resistance, to acquiesce in the service upon us, 

of any judicial writ against us by the United States marshal for Kansas 

territory, and will furnish him a fosse /'or that purpose, if so requested; 

but that we are ready to resist, if need be, to the death, the ravages of an 

invading mob. 

"'J. A. Wakefield, J^rcsidoit.' 

"The resolution was forwarded to the marshal and to 
Governor Shannon. 

"As I have saiil the marshal never sent a copy of his 



TO THE CI.OSK OF THK KKl'.ELLION. 95 

proclamation to Lawrence. The copy that reached Lawrence 
was sent to nie from Lecompton by one of my agents, and 
was received a few hours after its issue. I carried it into the 
chamber of the committee of safety, which held a meeting 
that night. Its meetings were private. Several proposals 
were made, but the majority were unwilling to do anything. 
Lieutenant Governor Roberts and Colonel Holliday were 
opposed to any defense being made. Holliday urged that 
it was a busy season, and the farmers could not be taken from 
their farms to sustain another siege without great loss. Others 
urged that the merchants and business men had advanced 
provisions, stores and goods during the Wakarusa war, and 
had got pay for only a small part, and could not advance 
anything more for the defense of the place. 

"Deitzler and several other members of the committee 
were for defending the place against the marshal's posse. 
The discussion was vague, pointless and unsatisfactory. 
There was no one to take the lead. One proposal was that 
three or four hundred men, armed only \yith pistols and other 
side arms, should go to Lecompton, and offer themselves to 
Donaldson as his posse, in obedience to his proclamation, 
and demand from the governor a share of the public arms then 
at Lecompton. 

'•The committee deterrhined that matters should go as they 
were. Roberts declared that he did not mean to go out of the 
territory, but should stay and be arrested. 

" I mention these things because they show wh)' the im- 
pending blow was permitted. The people as a general thing 
wanted the town defended, and dispensed with the old com- 
mittee, and elected a new one, composed in part of members 
of the first. The names are as follows: W. Y. Roberts, G. 
W. Deitzler, Lyman Allen, John A. Perry, C. W. Babcock, 
S. B. Prentis, A. H. Mallory, Joel Grover. A few days after 
this election Mr. S. C. Pomeroy arrived from the east, where 



g6 A HISTORV OF LAWRENCE 

he had been on business for the Emigrant Aid Society, and 
was admitted a member. 

"A change of ruler does not always bring a change of 
policy. This second committee was more pacific than the 
first, although selected by the people with the expectation 
that resistance would be made. In fact it was the federal 
authority employed that acted as a weight against them." 

It may be added to this account of Colonel Phillips that it 
had been the settled policy of the state leaders not to resist 
United States authority. The decision of the committee not 
to resist does not argue any lack of courage but was in line 
with the settled policy of the free-state men. 

The next day the committee and citizens held a joint meet- 
ing and determined to make another effort at pacification. 
They voted to send resolutions similar to those just quoted to 
the marshal with a letter as follows: 

" L.wvRENCE, May 14, 1856. 
"I. B. Donaldson, United States Marshal for Kansas Territory: 

"Dear Sir: — We have seen a proclamation issued by yourself, dated nth 
of May, and also have reliable information that large bodies of armed men 
in pursuance of your proclamation have assembled in the vicinity of 
Lawrence. 

"That there maybe no misunderstanding we beg leave to ask respect- 
fully that we may be reliably informed of the demands against us. We 
desire to state most truthfully and earnestly that no opposition will now or 
at any future time be offered to the execution of any legal process by your- 
self or any person acting for you. We also pledge ourselves to assist you, 
if called upon, in the execution of any legal process. 

" We declare ourselves to be order-loving and law-abiding citizens, and 
only want an opportunity to test our fidelity to the laws of the country, the 
constitution and the union. 

"We are informed also that these men collected about Lawrence openly 
declare that their intention is to destroy the town and drive off the citizens. 
Of course we do not believe that you would give countenance to such threats, 
but in view of the excited state of the public mind we ask protection of the 
constituted authorities of the government, declaring ourselves in readiness 



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JOSIAH MILI.KR. \\M A I'HII.I.IKS, 

Editor ')f Kdiisits Fin- State. Corri'siioiKlont of .Yen Yuri; Tiiltuiif. 

EARLY KANSAS NEWSPAPER MEN. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 97 

to co-operate with them in the maintenance of the order and quiet of the 
community in which we live. "Very respectfully, 

"Robert Morrow. 

" Lyman Allen. 

"John Hutchinson." 

The reply of the marshal was not reassuring. It was both 

insolent and exasperating: 

i Office of United States Marshal, 
( Lecompton, K. T., May 15, 1856. 

"Messrs. G. W. Deitzler and J. H. Green, Lawrence, Kansas Terri- 
tory: — On yesterday I received a communication addr.essed to me, signed by 
one of you as president and the other as secretary, purporting to have been 
adopted by a meeting of the citizens of Lawrence held on yesterday morn- 
ing. * * * 

' ' From your professed ignorance of the demands against you I conclude 
that you are strangers and not citizens, of Lawrence; or of recent date, or 
have been absent for some time; more particularly when an attempt was 
made by my deputy to execute a writ of the first district court of the United 
States for Kansas territory against ex-Governor Reeder when he made a 
speech in the room, and in the presence of the congressional committee, and 
denied the power and authority of said court, and threatened the said 
deputy if he attempted to execute said process, which speech and defiant 
threats were loudly applauded by some one or two hundred of the citizens 
of Lawrence, who made such demonstrations that the deputy thought that 
he and his small posse would endanger their lives in executing the process. 

"Your declaration that you will truthfully and earnestly offer now, or at 
any future time, no opposition to any legal process, is difficult to under- 
stand. May I ask, gentlemen, what has produced this wonderful change in 
the minds of the people of Lawrence ? Have their eyes been suddenly 
opened so that they are now able to see that there are laws in Kansas terri- 
tory which should be obeyed ? Or, is it that just now those for whom I 
have writs have sought refuge elsewhere ? Or, it may possibly be that you 
now, as heretofore, expect to screen yourself behind the word 'legal,' so 
significantly used by you. How am I to rely on your pledges when I am 
well aware that the whole population of Lawrence is armed and drilled, and 
the town fortified ? When too I recollect the meetings and resolutions 
adopted in Lawrence and elsewhere in the territory, openly defying the 
laws and the officers thereof, and threatening to resist the same to a bloody 
issue, as recently verified in the attempted assassination of Sheriff Jones 



g8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

while in discharge of his official duties in Lawrence. If no outrages have 
been committed by the citizens of Lawrence against the laws of the land, 
they need not fear any posse of mine. But I must take the liberty of 
executing any and all processes in my hands as United States marshal, in 
my own time and manner, and shall only use such power as is authorized 
by law. You say you call upon the constituted authorities for protection. 
This indeed sounds strange, coming from a body of men armed with Sharpe's 
rifles and other implements of war, bound together by oaths and pledges to 
resist the government they call on for protection. All persons in Kansas 
territory, without regard to location, who honestly submit to the constituted 
authorities, will ever find me ready to aid in protecting them; and those 
who seek to resist the laws of the land, and turn traitors to their country, 
will find me aiding in enforcing the laws, if not as an officer, as a citizen. 

' ' Respectfully yours, 

" L B. Donaldson, 
" U}iited States Marshal fo)- A'ausas Territory." 

This reply cut off all hope of any relenting on the part of 
the marshal. Other efforts were made to avert the blow, but 
without effect. An attempt was made to induce the governor 
to secure United States troops to accompany the marshal in- 
stead of the miscellaneous mob which had assembled in 
answer to the marshal's proclamation. But the governor was 
not disposed even to do this much. He afterwards said he 
would have done this if the matter had been left to him. 
There remained nothing but to let events take their course. 
The marshal's posse had already begun to arrive before the 
proclamation was dated, showing that the plan was well 
imderstood, not by the marshal alone, but the pro-slavery 
people in Kansas and Missouri. The issuing of the proc- 
lamation was simply a form adopted to comply with the 
law. The word had gone out as to what was to be done, 
and the people began to gather. As they came they w^ere 
armed with United States muskets, which had been sent 
for the use of the territorial militia. They had come 
promptly, for parties had been waiting on the border for 
these preliminaries of legal technicalities. They had failed 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 99 

in the Wakarusa war because these formal details had been 
carelessly attended to. They did not propose to have their 
plans upset again. Impatient as they were to get a blow at 
Lawrence, they would wait till the legal forms were complied 
with, rather than be balked again by the diplomacy of the 
shrewd Yankees. 

As they came they formed camps at Lecompton, and other 
points, and awaited the orders of their chief. The whole 
country was once more in a state of terror. Travelers were 
stopped on the highway, people were robbed in their houses, 
stock w'as driven off, and houses were pillaged. A young 
man named Jones was murdered on his way home from 
Lawrence to his farm south of that place. Another man 
named Stewart, who went out with two others to secure the 
murderer, was also killed. 

On the morning of May 21st, Marshal Donaldson with a 
posse of several hundred men, and some pieces of artillery, 
appeared on Mount Oread, the hill overlooking" Lawrence. 
As these came under United States authority, it was decided 
to make no resistance. Deputy marshal Fain rode into town 
about eleven o'clock. The streets were very quiet. Some of 
the citizens were in prison, some who did not like the decision 
not to resist, took themselves out of the way. The deputy 
marshal rode up to the Free-State Hotel where the committee 
of safety were in session, and summoned a number of citizens 
to act as his posse in serving writs. He then arrested G. W. 
Smith, Gains Jenkins, and G. W. Deitzler, who had been 
indicted for treason. The marshal and his men were invited 
to dine at the Free-State Hotel. 

After dinner the marshal returned to the camp and told the 
men he had made all the arrests he desired at this time, and 
that they were dismissed. As soon as they were dismissed as 
the marshal's posse. Sheriff Jones summoned them to act as 
a posse for him, as he had some writs to serve. This then 



lOO A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

was their shrewd game. This mob was brought to Lawrence 
as the posse of the United States marshal. The people of 
Lawrence had determined in no case to resist United States 
authority. The town came easily into their possession. But 
an officer of the United States was limited by law and was 
compelled to pay some regard to decency and justice. All 
he could do was to make a few arrests to which the people 
made no objections. But as soon as the town had submitted 
and was helpless, he turned his posse over to Sheriff Jones 
who was hampered by no restrictions. The sheriff rode into 
town with a company of men and drew up in front of the; 
hotel. He demanded first that all the arms in the place be 
given up to him. He gave the committee five minutes to 
decide. If the arms were not surrendered he would bombard 
the town. A hurried consultation was held, and it was 
decided to give up the cannon, and the arms in possession of 
the committee of safety. They -told him the other arms were 
private property and not at the disposal of the committee. 

The one cannon they possessed was hidden under a building 
and never could have been found by the invaders. But so 
anxiously nervous were they to appease the fussy sheriff and 
save the town, that General Samuel C. Pomeroy crawled 
under the building where the cannon was' hidden, and dragged 
it out, and turned it over to Jones. But neither their prom- 
ises nor their humiliation availed anything. 

As soon as Jones had possession of the cannon and other 
arms, he proceeded to carry out his purpose to destroy the 
Free-State Hotel. He gave the inmates till five o'clock to 
get out their personal effects. When all was ready he turned 
his cannon upon the hotel and fired. The first ball went 
completely over the roof, at which all the people cheered, 
much to the disgust of Jones. The next shot hit the walls 
but did little damage. After bombarding away with little or 
no effect till it was becoming monotonous, they attempted to 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. lOI 

blow up the building with a keg of powder. But this only 
made a big noise and a big smoke, and did not do much 
towards demolishing the house. 

At every failure the citizen spectators along the street set 
up a shout. At last Jones became desperate, and applied the 
vulgar torch, and burned the building to the ground. Mean- 
while the two newspaper ofifices had been ransacked, the presses 
broken and the type thrown into the river, or scattered along 
the street. The mob by this time had become thoroughl}^ 
reckless, and were ransacking the town. Nearly every house 
was entered, and many of them robbed. Trunks were broken 
open, clothing stolen, and everything taken off to which they 
took a fancy. In the evening Governor Robinson's house was 
set on fire and burned to the ground. 

Jones was exultant. His revenge was complete. "This is 
the happiest moment of my life," he shouted as the walls of 
the hotel fell. He had made the "fanatics bow to him in the 
dust." He then dismissed his posse and left. 

The losses sustained by the people of Lawrence and sur- 
rounding country were quite heavy. It was estimated that 
the value of the property destroyed and stolen amounted to . 
nearly $200,000. A newspaper correspondent speaks of see- 
ing some of these legalized bandits in Kansas City the next 
da}^ dressed in articles stolen at the sack of Lawrence. 
"They had crossed their native red shirt with a satin vest, or 
a narrow dress coat, pillaged from some Lawrence Yankee, or 
had girded themselves with the cord and tassels which the 
day before had ornamented the curtains of the Free-State 
Hotel." The committee of safety sent a statement of the 
whole affair to Washington afterwards, and from their paper 
we quote a few paragraphs. " Men endeavored by argument, 
and women by tears, to alter the determination of Jones, but 
in vain. The work of pillage had commenced. The contents 
of the printing offices had been scattered in the streets, and 



I02 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the red flag planted on the roof, first of the office of the Herald 
of Freedom, and afterwards of the Free-State Hotel. The 
family of Mr. G. W. Brown were driven from their home, 
and the immediate pillage of the hotel was prevented only by 
the resolute interference of a few citizens, aided by some 
individuals of the mob, who kept a strict guard at the doors, 
and insisted that the families of the proprietors should have 
the time promised them b}^ Jones in which to collect their 
most necessary effects and leave. At last the cannons were 
placed and ready, and it Avas announced to Colonel S. W. ' 
Eldridge, that the bombardment would commence in five 
minutes. His wife and children were driven off between 
files of United States bayonets, and amidst the yells of the 
impatient mob. The work of pillage spread through the 
whole town, and continued until dark. Every house and 
store which could be entered was ransacked, trunks broken 
open and money and property taken at will. In one house ^ 
over two thousand dollars in money were carried away. The 
house of Charles Robinson was pillaged and burned to the 
ground. Towards evening the forces were drawn off to their 
camp, and the sack of Lawrence was concluded." 

To evade the pledge of the United States marshal that his 
posse should not enter Lawrence, they were disbanded on the 
hill, and then summoned to act as a posse for Sheriff Jones. 
The marshal dismissed them at the town limits, and the 
sheriff led them in. 

All this was done in the name of law by men sworn to 
administer the law. Among the crowd were a United States 
marshal and his deputy, David R. Atchison, late vice president ' 
of the United States, and other men of distinction. It is but 
justice to say that many of these men endeavored to restrain 
the mob within some sort of bounds, but the mob was not of 
the kind that drew nice distinctions between burning down a j 
liotel against which no wrong liad been proved, and ransack- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIiKLLION. IO3 

ing a private house or store. They were common, rough men 
who could not draw the distinction between crime by order 
of a court, and the same crime just outside the limits of that 
order. They could not appreciate therefore the eloquence of 
gentlemen who urged them to confine their outrages within 
the limits prescribed by the court. The result was that Law- 
rence suffered beyond the appointed measure, and was a 
pretty thoroughly demoralized community. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Summer of 1856.— Outrages Everywhere. — Lawrence 
Invested bv Pro-slavery "Forts." — The Capture of 
Franklin, Fort Saunders, and Fort Titus. — Titus a 
Prisoner. — Governor Shannon Makes Another Treaty. 
— Governor Shannon Resigns. — Daniel Woodson Act- 
ing Governor. 

The sack of Lawrence was followed by an unprecedented 
condition of affairs. The whole territory was in a confusion. 
The summer that followed was the most exciting that Kansas 
ever knew. First of all came what has been known as the 
Potawatoniie massacre. The news of the attack on Lawrence 
reached Osawatomie the day it occurred and while it was 
still being- prosecuted. Old John Brown at once assembled 
a company of about fifty men and started for that place. 
Before reaching Lawrence they learned the particulars of the 
assault and found they were too late to render assistance. 
]\Iost of the men returned to their homes, but John Brown 
with a small band remained. Two days later occurred the 
terrible tragedy at Dutch Henry's Crossing, which has never 
been satisfactorily explained, and which was quoted for years 
as the excuse for pro-slavery outrages without number. Other 
outrages followed on the other side and continued all summer. 
Captain Henry Clay Pate led a company of ruffians along the 
old Santa Fe trail, and robbed Black Jack and Palmyra and 
other places, and spread terror all about. Old John Brown, 
learning of his exploits, pounced upon him with a company 
of free-state men and captured the whole outfit. Then in turn, 
Colonel Sumner, with some United States troops, overhauled 
Brown and compelled him to release his prisoners. About 
the same time General Reid gathered about two hundred men 
in Missouri and marched through the border counties. He 





A. U. SKAKl.K, 

l''irsl < 'il V I'ji^iiK'iT. 




(.KO. \V. COI-I-AMOKK. 

Mayor ill the limo of tliu Kaid 



UK. AKONZO FULLER, 

A. Mill;; Mayor aftt-r tin- Kaid. 



I.AWKENCE giTY OFFICIAL^ 



TO THK CLOSE OK THK REBELLION. I05 

came to Osawatomie and let his ruffians loose there. They 
looted the town and finally burned it. Colonel Sumner 
approaching they withdrew and disappeared in Missouri. 
Bands of armed men of both parties moved here and there, 
each seeking to defend their own and to gain some advantage 
over the other. A nuniber of so called battles were fought, 
but no great losses were sustained on either side. The men 
who were killed were usually attacked alone and murdered in 
cold blood. A drunken ruffian in Leavenworth made a bet 
that he would bring in the scalp of an abolitionist in less than 
two hours. He sallied out on the Lawrence road and met a 
Mr. Hoppe coming over from Lawrence in a carriage. He 
at once shot and scalped him, and bore the scalp into town 
on a pole amid the cheers of the crowds on the streets. An 
inoffensive German who expressed his horror at such brutality 
was shot dead. Mr. Hoppe was a brotner-in-law of Rev. 
Ephraim Nute, pastor of the Unitarian Church of Lawrence, 
and he and his wife were visiting there. Mr. Nute gave a 
very vivid account of the affair and the general condition in a 
letter written a week later, August 22nd, to a friend in Mass- 
achusetts: 

"The horrors of ruffianism grow thicker and closer about 
us. My home has become a house of mourning. A brother- 
in-law came out to us and reached our house a week since 
with his wife, an own sister of mine. On Monday last he 
started to return to Leavenworth, leaving his wife sick. That 
night he was shot within a few miles of Leavenworth, and 
his scalp exhibited in fiendish exultation in the town. 

"I have tried in vain to raise a body of men to go for the 
recovery of our brother's remains, to give them a decent 
burial, and for his effects about his person, all his mone}-, etc. 
I have taken my rifle and offered to be one of fifty to go. A 
sufficient number responded and had pledged to go the morn- 
ing after the sad tidings reached us. But it was thought best 



I06 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

to delay until Ave should get answer from the officer in com- 
mand of the United States dragoons camped about ten miles 
from here, to whom we had applied for a force to go with us. 
It came at night, referring us to a superior force then on the 
way with several companies to join Pierce's bloody officials at 
Lecompton. Twice have we sent, making the request of him 
for the protection of an escort to go with our teams to Leav- 
enworth for provisions, and twice have been refused. There 
is not a single sack of flour or bushel of meal for sale in this 
vicinity, and we have at least two thousand men, women and 
children to be fed. What shall we do, what can we do, but 
fight our way through, with the desperation of men who 
know themselves surrounded by merciless savages. This ivc 
arc determified to do. You will have a report of bloody work 
before this reaches 3'ou. It may be that nothing short of a 
massacre of the suffering people of Kansas will arouse this 
nation to a sense of the inconceivable wickedness of the men 
at the head of affairs. You may imagine the feelings with 
which I read the cold blooded sneers, the diabolical sport 
which is made of our sufferings in the Boston Post w^hich I 
have just received. Are all the feelings of humanity, is all 
sense of decenc}' dead in the minds of the men who uphold 
this infamous administration ? Many of us have ceased 
to hope for anything but the foulest from the government. 
All that seems to be in store for us worth aspiring to is heroic 
martyrdom." * * * 

A few days later Mr. Nute and his sister and several others 
went over to Leavenworth to ascertain the facts in regard to 
the murder of Mr. Hoppe and bring home his effects. They 
were all taken prisoners by a band under command of Cap- 
tain Emory. Mrs. Hoppe was not permitted even to visit the 
grave of her husband, but was put on board a steamboat and 
sent down the river to her friends in Illinois. Mr. Nute. Mr. 
Wilder, a merchant of Lawrence, and their companions, some 



TO THK CI.OSK OF THE RKBEl.I.ION. lOj 

fifteen in all. were imprisoned in Leavenworth, and were not 
allowed to go home for over two weeks. Other outrages 
were committed in other parts of the territory. 

A little earlier than this a political event had occured which 
increased the sense of unrest. On the Fourth of July the 
free-state legislature met at Topeka in Constitutional Hall.- 
There had been rumors that they would be dispersed by fed- 
eral troops. A free-state convention met at the same time to 
encourage the legislators, and as some thought to protect 
them if they were disturbed. As nothing of the kind was 
attempted, however, it was doubtful if there was any serious 
thought of such a thing. On the day of meeting Colonel E. 
V. Sumner appeared in Topeka with si.\ hundred dragoons, 
and several pieces of artillery. As the hour of assembling 
drew near, the cannon were posted so as to sweep the street 
in front of the hall, and Colonel Sumner, with six hundred 
men, rode up in front of the building. He then went in and 
went forward to the speaker's stand. He said it was a very 
painful duty, but it was his duty, to order them, in the name 
of the president of the United States, to disperse. The mem- 
bers quietly went out, and the troops quietly went home. 
Some one asked Colonel Sumner why he brought so large a 
force, and if he expected to need them. He said, "No, I 
brought them that I might not need them." The governor 
about this time issued a proclamation ordering all bodies of 
armed men to disband, and promising protection to all with- 
out regard to party. But as there was a general suspicion 
among free-state men that this was meant for only one side, 
they all kept their arms and kept up their organizations. 
Neither party paid any attention to the proclamation, except 
as United States troops compelled compliance. The result 
of it all was that matters grew worse instead of better, and 
the excitement increased instead of subsiding. 

The whole country shared the excitement, for the whole 



I08 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

nation was interested in the result of the conflict. Other 
events tended to intensify the common feeling. The day be- 
fore the sacking of Lawrence Senator Charles Sumner made 
his great speech in the United States senate on the "Crime 
against Kansas." It was a terrible indictment of the national 
administration for its policy and the results of it. The day 
following, May 22nd, Preston S. Brooks struck him down 
with a cane, as he sat in his seat in the senate chamber. His 
act seemed to be but an echo of what was going on in Kansas 
at the same time. The whole countr}^ was in a blaze of in- 
dignation, and Kansas was the center towards which all eyes 
were turned. The whole North seemed to rise at once de- 
termined that Kansas should be free. There was but one 
way to make her free, and that was to settle the territory with 
free-state men. From all sections, and of all classes, immi- 
grants moved towards Kansas. The farmer left his farm, the 
merchant left his store, the professional man left his ofHce, at 
the impulse of an idea that had taken hold of his soul. 

" They left the plowshare in the mould, 
Tlie sheep and herd without a fold. 
The cattle in the unshorn grain, 
The corn lialf garnered on the plain." 

College students, just graduated, or before graduation, 
turned their back on the literary life they had chosen, or the 
professional life to which they were looking, and went to 
Kansas at the call of freedom. They came often without any 
definite idea as to what they were to do or how they were to 
make a living. That was entirely a secondary consideration. 
But they had a very decided idea as to what kind of a state 
Kansas must be. It was no uncommon thing to find college 
graduates driving an ox team through the streets of Lawrence, 
or cutting timber by the river, or living in some lonely shanty 
or dug-out 

" Far out upon tlie prairie." 

Not in towns alone, but on claims all around, you would find 



TO THE CLOSK Ol' THK KEMELI.ION. 109 

the same class of people. In the loneliest cabins in the most 
out of the way place, you might find men who could talk to 
you intelligently of the latest scientific theory, or discuss the 
latest novel. And they did not come as adventurers to see 
how they would like it. But they came to stay and see the 
thing done. Whether they made a farm or not, whether 
they made a living or not, they proposed to make Kansas 
free. They came possessed of an idea, and they intended to 
make that idea effective. As a rule they were peaceable men 
who did not come to fight. But they were made of the stuff 
of which all heroes are made, and when they were compelled 
to fight, it was a sorry day for " the other fellow. " There were 
rough and turbulent characters among them, and rash things 
and wrong things were done by them. But the great mass of 
free-state settlers came with honest intent to make Kansas a 
free state. 

The pro-slavery people endeavered to meet this great up- 
rising at the North by a counter-movement. The Missouri 
river had been the great highway to Kansas. There was no 
railroad, and the overland trip was long and tedious. The 
bulk of immigration came by way of the river. The Missour- 
ians determined to blockade the river, and thus stem the tide 
that was becoming irresistable. They thus expected to put 
a stop to free-state immigration to Kansas. Steamboats 
coming up the river were stopped and overhauled, usually 
with the connivance of the captain. If the captain objected 
it did not make any difference. Free-state passengers were 
taken off and sent back by the next down boat. The over- 
land route was also blocaded, and the highways through 
Missouri were patrolled, and intending immigrants going 
overland were turned back. 

As soon as this decision was known at the north it produced 
great consternation, as well as great indignation. It seemed 
as if the enemy had the key to the situation, and the rest of 



no A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the country was helpless. But the discouragement did not 
last long. "Where there is a will there is a way. " Here 
there were a good many wills, and they soon found there were 
more than one way. The Missourians did not own the earth. 
The blockade only turned the tide northward. The stream 
could not be stopped. They might as well try to stop the flow 
of the "Big Muddy" itself, as to stop the determined pur- 
pose of the north. Hindrances only stimulated it to more 
vigorous effort. A way was opened through Iowa and Ne- 
braska, and the stream soon began to flow in a torrent along 
the new channel. Companies of two and three ■ hundred 
strong made their way by this slow and circuitous route. It 
took longer but "they got there," in more ways than one. 
Everything that could be done to annoy and hinder was done. 
But it all stimulated the movement. The very attempt to 
stop the tide only increased its force and volume. Among 
these annoyances, these companies were accused of coming 
with hostile intent, and not as bona fide immigrants. The 
various companies were therefore met at the northern border 
of the territory by a force of United States troops and put 
under arrest. One writer who was with a company of some 
three hundred described their experiences. "When we came 
to the Kansas line we were met by the United States marshal 
and three hundred United States cavalry and put under arrest. 
The next day they marched us twenty-seven miles imder a 
heavy guard. The next day, being Sunday, they marched us 
fifteen miles and camped on Straight creek, where in the 
evening we had religious services. On Monday morning we 
resumed our march and continued for two days when we came 
to the Kansas river not far from Topeka. Here we were met 
by the governor, and he being satisfied at our peaceful 
intentions set uS all at liberty, and we went our various ways." 
Thus the very efforts made to hinder really helped tlie 
cause. The more the way of the immigrants was blocked, 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE KEHELLION. Ill 

the thicker and faster they came. The harder the journey 
the more eager people were to make it. Every outrage only 
stirred the popular mind more deeply, and made the common 
determination more strong. Every free-state man killed 
brought a score to fill his place. If the arguments of free- 
state speakers failed to move, the excesses of their opponents 
could not fail. It may truly be said that Kansas was made a 
free state by the excesses and outrages of those who sought 
to make it a slave state. 

The bearing of all this on the history of Lawrence will be 
readily seen. Lawrence was the focus of the fight. The 
troubles she endured were a part of the general condition. 
She was the center of free-state operations, and consequently 
the center of pro-slavery hate and pro-slavery plots. She 
might be called the capital of the free-state party. The free- 
state party was more than a political organization. It was 
essentially a sort of second "body politic." It had a settled 
policy of its own, a sort of intangible organization that was 
effective for combined effort, but which could not be located. 
It had its soldiers and its officers, its arms and its unwritten 
laws. Its settled policy was to avoid conflict if possible, but 
to be prepared for defense. Its main point was to hold the 
ground until the preponderance of free-state immigration 
should settle the question at issue. It was a very shrewd 
policy and very difficult to maintain, but it was maintained 
with marvelous consistency. 

After the judicial sacking of the town on the twenty-first of 
May, Lawrence was in a very depressed condition. Many of 
the people felt humiliated at the thought of having allowed 
such an outrage without even a show of resistance. Accord- 
ing to the common agreement they just stood by and looked 
on, as the hotel and printing offices were destroyed and the 
town robbed. They were compelled to look on as all this 
was done: and also to endure the insults of the overbearing 



112 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

miscreants who exulted in their work, and called the citizens a 
pack of " cowardly Yankees." This was doubtless the wisest 
policy they could have chosen, but the situation was very 
galling. Their foes would have been delighted if they could 
have provoked them to resistance, and a good deal of their 
insolence and ostentation were for the purpose of goading 
them beyond endurance. Had the citizens resisted, even if 
they had been able to drive the marauders out of tow^n, they 
would have been charged with resisting officers, and a new 
batch of indictments .would have been issued, and a larger 
posse would have been secured. As it was, the ruffians were 
guilty of an unprovoked outrage, and had put themselves in 
the position of law-breakers, while professing to enforce law. 

The feeling of depression was very general. The people 
knew not what next might come. They were not as well 
organized as they had been at the time of the Wakarusa war. 
Their trusted leaders were gone. Robinson was in prison 
near Lecompton. Many of their ablest citizens were in 
prison with him. Lane was out of the territory to avoid 
arrest. A great many others had left to escape indictment. 
Their leading men in prison, or fleeing from indictments, 
their beautiful hotel in ruins, their printing presses scattered, 
their houses broken into and robbed, and no law or courts to 
which they could appeal for redress, it was not strange that 
a spirit of despondency should settle over the community. 

The troubles all over the territory found their focus in 
Lawrence. Bands of pro-slavery men roved about making 
travel dangerous and putting life in constant peril. Lawrence 
became invested by a S3'stem of forts, or block houses, where 
bands of pro-slavery men were housed, and from which they 
sallied on expeditions of plunder or revenge. One of these 
so-called forts was at Franklin, four miles east of Lawrence. 
Another, Fort Saunders, was on Washington creek, twelve miles 
southwest. A third was near Lecompton and was called Fort 



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REV. S. V. LU.M, 

I'n'iiclieci tiist Sfi-moii. 



RE\". \VM. BISHOP. 

I'irst l';istor of I'rt'sbyti'rian (liuicli. 






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L, 




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REV. RICH.\RD CORIM.EV, 

I'usior of ( 'nii^'iH'^rat ion a I ('liiir<'li. 



REV. CH.\RLES REYNOLDS 
I'ii'st Hector of Episcopal ('lnir<'li. 



KAHLV PASTURij OF LAWKKNCK 



TO THE CLOSE OE THE REHl?I.MON. Ilj, 

Titus. These forts were simply log houses, with port-holes 
for guns, and supplied with provisions and ammunition, and 
prepared for defense or siege. These three strong holds 
practically cut off Lawrence from help and from supplies. 
So close was the investment at one time, that provisions 
became very scarce, and there was danger of a ftmine from 
the fact that it was not possible to bring in supplies. The 
garrisons in these forts were continually committing depreda- 
tions, waylaying travelers and robbing farms and slaughtering 
cattle. By August the situation in Lawrence was becoming 
unendurable, and they began to devise plans of relief. 

August 1 2th Major S. D. Hoyt, a citizen of Lawrence, 
went to Fort Saunders to confer as to terms of peace, that 
both parties might cease their depredations. He was kindly 
received, but on his return two men accompanied him, and as 
soon as they came to a lonely spot they shot Hoyt dead, and 
left him half buried. This brutal murder so enraged the 
people of Lawrence, that they laid plans for the immediate 
reduction of these strongholds. They began with Franklin. 
This had always been a pestilent place. In the Wakarusa 
war it was the headquarters of the invading army. It was a 
pro-slavery settlement and the feeling towards Lawrence had 
been very bitter from the first. In June the free-state men 
had tried to reduce the place. They had attacked in the 
night and wasted no end of ammunition. But bullets had 
little effect on the heavy logs of which the fort was built. At 
daybreak they withdrew, leaving things pretty much as they 
were. But this time they had a stronger force, and a stronger 
provocation. The fort consisted of a block house, with a log 
house on either side. The free-state men made a night attack 
again, and began firing as before. They lay upon their faces, 
shielding their heads behind fences, humps of dirt, or any- 
thing that afforded a friendly shelter from the enemy's bullets. 
I heard One of these improvised soldiers tell his experience. 

8 



114 ^ HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

He had been brought up a quaker, but the Kansas outrages 
had so stirred his blood that he fell from grace so far as to 
carry a musket with the boys. When they came to their 
position, he lay down behind a fence post. At the command 
to fire he emptied his gun in the direction of the fort, but he 
said the eifemy's bullets so pelted the ground about him, that 
he could not reload without running the risk of catching one 
of them. He lay still therefore. He said the bullets struck 
all around him, and threw the dirt in his face, and splintered 
his protecting fence poast, but spared his head. He said "It 
was the most careless shooting I ever witnessed." Whether 
the rest of the soldiers reserved their fire as this prudent 
young man did we are not advised. Whether they did or not 
there was little effect produced by the firing on either side. 
The garrison defied them. But they had underrated the 
resources of Yankee ingenuity. A load of hay stood in the 
street not far away. This they pushed towards the block 
house, and set fire to it. As the blazing load of hay came up 
against the logs, the inmates became panic stricken and cried 
for mercy. The free-state men then took possession, destroy- 
ed the fort, and carried off the arms and stores found therein. 
Among the arms was a cannon which was just the thing 
they needed to reduce the other forts. The only cannon the 
free-state men possessed had been surrendered at the sacking 
of Lawrence in May. One point in attacking Franklin first 
was to secure this cannon for use against the other forts. 

The success at Franklin inspired the free-state men with 
increased zeal, and they began to gather from various quar- 
ters until three or four hundred men were in camp. The next 
point was Fort Saunders on Washington creek. They had a 
cannon now and could do more effective work in battering 
down walls. But they had no cannon balls. The piece was 
turned over to Captain Bickerton, the man who was so suc- 
cessful in bringing a cannon from Kansas City the autiniin 



TO THE CLOSR OF THK REBKI.LION. II5 

before. The first thing was to secure balls. Now the type 
of the two newspapers were put to a new use. In the sacking 
of the town in May the type had been scattered, many of them 
melted in the burning buildings. Captain Bickerton and his 
men gathered up the type and the type metal and molded 
them into balls for the cannon. Every time one was fired 
into the ruffians' stronghold the soldiers would shout, "An- 
other issue of the Herald of Freedom.'''' 

When all was ready they proceeded against Fort Saunders. 
The refugees from Franklin had reinforced the garrison. 
The free-state men were under the command of Captains 
Shombre, Walker, Cracklin, Bickerton and others. While 
waiting, scouts found the body of Hoyt who had been mur- 
dered a few days before, and whose murder was the immediate 
cause of the attack. This so enraged the men that they in- 
sisted on moving at once. The officers had favored delay, but 
the men would not be restrained. The whole body marched 
forward at two o'clock on the afternoon of the 15th of August. 
The garrison fled before the troops reached the fort, leaving 
their guns and stores for the visitors. They also found near 
the fort the horse of the murdered Hoyt. 

The next day they turned their attention to Fort Titus. 
They moved in this more speedily, as Titus and his men had 
been committing depredations in the neighborhood, which 
had exasperated the free-state men, and induced them to 
attempt the immediate destruction of the fort. Fort Titus was 
about two miles from Lecompton. It consisted of Colonel 
Titus' log house put in shape for defense. Here a number of 
pro-slavery desperadoes made their headquarters, and from 
this they were in the habit of sallying forth to harrass free- 
state men, and ravage the country. When pursued they fled 
to " the fort," and were safe from any ordinary attack. It 
was the strongest and most annoying of the three forts by 
which Lawrence had been invested. It was only two miles 



Il6 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

from Lecompton, which was the territorial capital, and the 
headquarters of pro-slavery operations. They could always 
rely on the support of their "friends " at the capital. Besides 
this it was only a mile from the camp where the free-state 
prisoners were kept. This camp was in charge of a company 
of United States soldiers under the command of Major John 
Sedgwick. The soldiers were there at the request of the 
governor, and were under orders from the territorial officials. 
These officials had a very peculiar way of making use of the 
soldiers. When pro-slavery men committed depredations the 
authorities at Lecompton could never get any "official" 
information in time to interfere. But whenever free-state 
men were moved to retaliate, the information came quickly , 
and was always "official." Then a squad of troops would be 
ordered to go to the scene of disturbance and "preserve 
order." Colonel Titus had felt secure in the presence of 
these troops, who could reach him in a few minutes in case 
of attack. But his own movements and outrages were never/" 
reported in time to allow any intervention. Major Sedgwick 
was a soldier, and an honorable man, and he and his men ~ 
had become very much disgusted with the one-sided way iu' 
which things were managed, and especially indignant at the 
part they were compelled to play. Major Sedgwick had also 
become thoroughly incensed at the insolence and outrages of 
Colonel Titus and his gang. Being a soldier under orders he 
could do nothing directly, but when he learned that the free- 
state men were about to take the thing in hand, and clean out 
the pestilent gang, he quietly told Captain Walker a few days 
before, that if "they wanted to gobble up old Titus and would 
do it quickly, he did not think he should be able to get over 
in time to hinder him." 

Colonel Titus was from Florida. He was a typical border 
ruffian. In the pictures of him that have come down to us 
he is represented as a short, thick-set man, in liis shirt 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 117 

sleeves, with a broad-brim slouch hat, and his pants stuck in 
his boots. He was a swaggering, bhistering blatherskite, 
whose insolence was more offensive than his sword. He was 
a thick-necked, coarse-grained bully, and of course a miser- 
able coward when it came to the test. He had established 
his fort at his house in order to harrass and annoy free-state 
people. He had gathered about him a gang like himself, and 
had been the terror of that whole region for months. 

The free-state forces were now under the command of 
Captain Samuel Walker, as brave a man as ever lived, a man 
cool in counsel and wise in action. He came to be the trusted 
leader of the free-state men, not only on account of his skill, 
but because they could trust his prudence, and were always 
sure he would make no rash or doubtful move. He came to 
Kansas early in 1854 on a tour of inspection. In 1855 he 
returned bringing a large colony of immigrants from Ohio 
who settled in the territory. He himself took a claim seven 
miles west of Lawrence, where he lived until he moved into 
Lawrence itself. His claim was not very far from Fort Titus, 
and soon after he had located his claim this same Colonel 
Titus called on him and notified him that "all these nigger 
stealers must get out of the country." He gave him two 
weeks to make his exit. The next day Captain Walker 
called his neighbors together, and they organized themselves 
into a military company which they called the "Bloomington 
Guards." The pro-slavery plan was to drive settlers off one 
by one. This organization was made that they might sustain 
each other. The order of Titus was not enforced. This 
company of Bloomington Guards had eighty-six members, 
and they were all of the kind that are not frightened by 
bluster. All this drew upon Walker the special dislike of 
Titus. He did not attack him, but he endeavored to induce 
others to do so. He had printed a large hand-bill in which 
he offered five hundred dollars for the head of Samuel Walker, 



Il8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

"on or off his shoulders." This hand-bill was posted up in 
various places with the evident intent of inducing some mad- 
cap to assasinate Walker. It was very natural, and very 
fitting that Captain Walker should lead the attack on Titus' 
fort. 

This attack was made August i6th. The forces which 
operated against Fort Saunders August 15th moved towards 
Lecompton during the night and camped a short distance 
from the fort. Early in the morning Captain Henry J. 
Shombre started in advance of the main body with a com- 
pany of cavalry, in order to surprise the fort. In the course 
of the attack Captain Shombre was shot and mortally 
wounded. Captain Shombre had only been in Kansas about 
three weeks. He came from Indiana, where he had raised a 
company of brave young men to come and help in the Kansas 
struggle. He joined Lane's party of immigrants in Iowa and 
came with them. He reached Topeka August 13th. Hear- 
ing of the troubles at Lawrence he started at once with his 
men and was present at the capture of Fort Saunders the day 
before his death. He was one of the finest and bravest 
young men that ever came to the territory, and even in the 
few days he was among them he won the affection and esteem 
of the free-state people. 

After their leader fell Captain Shombre's men retired and 
waited till the main body had come up. When they came up 
they were so posted as to prevent the escape of the inmates 
of the fort. Firing then commenced and the men inside 
responded in a livel}' w'ay. But the bullets of the assailants 
buried themselves in the logs of the fort and had no other 
effect. After a little the cannon captured at Franklin was 
brought into use by Captain Bickerton, and balls and slugs 
made from the type and printing presses of the Herald of 
Freedom were poured into the old building. This put a new 
face on the affair, and a few minutes after a white flag ap- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. II9 

peared, and the garrison of some seventeen men surrendered. 
Colonel Titus crawled out of his den, coatless and covered 
with blood. He had received two wounds, one in his hand 
and the other in his shoulder. He came out as meek and 
cringing as he had formerly been insolent. He begged pite- 
ously for his life. He had been such a terror to the whole 
country that the men in the free-state army had determined 
to kill him. Many of them had suffered from his insolence 
and cruelt)'. He appealed to Captain Walker to save him. 
"You have children; so have I; for God's sake, save my 
life!" Right before them was one of those hand-bills, offer- 
ing five hundred dollars for Walker's head "on or off his 
shoulders." Walker saw it plastered on the walls of the 
cabin while he was talking to him. But Walker was as 
chivalrous as he was brave, and would not strike a fallen foe. 
Some of his men had been so wrought up b}^ the outrages 
Titus had committed that it was not easy to restrain them. 
But Walker insisted that they must not touch him, and no 
man raised his gun. 

The casualties of this battle were not numerous. Two of 
Titus' men were killed and two wounded, and one free-state 
man was killed and six wounded. The prisoners were taken 
to Lawrence and held as "prisoners of war." 

The next morning Governor Shannon, Major John Sedg- 
wick, and Dr. A. Rodrique, postmaster at Lecompton, went 
to Lawrence to arrange terms of peace and secure the libera- 
tion of Titus and his men. A correspondent of an eastern 
paper gives an account of this remarkable incident: 

"Another Sunday morning treaty with Shannon. Gov- 
ernor Shannon, Dr. A. Rodrique, postmaster, and Major 
Sedgwick have just arrived from Lecompton. It is supposed 
that they have come to demand the prisoners. They are now 
closeted with the officers of the free-state forces. They can- 
not have the prisoners without giving the free-state party an 
equivalent. 



I20 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

"Later: — A treaty has been made, and Governor Shannon, 
after some opposition, has been permitted to state what it is, 
and to make a short speech. He said he should leave us, 
and he wanted to leave the territory with the people feeling 
better towards him, and in a quiet state, to his successor. He 
glorified the union and thought we had a glorious country. 

"The terms of the treaty are substantially as follows: 

"i. That they shall give up to the charge of Major Sedgwick, and in 
good condition, subject to the order of Captain Walker, the howitzer so 
valiantly surrendered to Sheriff Jones the 21st of May. 

"2. That the prisoners then held in custody at Lecompton, those 
arrested by 'Squire Crane for being connected with the battle of Franklin, 
shall be released and brought safely to Lawrence. 

' ' 3. That all arms taken from these and other prisoners shall be given up. 

"4. That the territorial authorities should use their power to break up 
these bands of plunderers and drive them from the territory. 

"In consideration of this the free-state men were to deliver 
up their prisoners. They even demanded the cannon taken 
at Franklin. Major Sedgwick had nothing to do with the 
negotiations, any further than to say to Shannon that it was 
his duty to make an unconditional demand for the prisoners. 
The Franklin prisoners held at Lecompton were arrested 
under legal process, as the}' term it, yet they agreed to deliver 
them up. What right Governor Shannon and Dr. Aristides 
Rodrique had to do this perhaps a Philadelphia lawyer can 
tell; we can't." 

After the treaty, when Governor Shannon desired to talk to 
the people, there was a general growl of opposition. They 
felt that he was responsible for their troubles, and they had 
suffered so much that they were greatly embittered. When 
the governor proposed to speak they gave a yell which 
drowned his voice. They were in an ugly frame of mind and 
the situation was alarming. Captain Walker saw the danger, 
and drawing his revolver he rushed in front of the crowd and 
shouted, "I am with you, bo}s, but the governor shall not. be 




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LATHROP HULLEN'E. CHAS r. EIiWAKHS, 

rifsidciit of Kirs! Hoard of Kdurat ion. i'rincipal of First Ilifrli Scliool. 

EAKLV EDUCATORS AND TEACHERS. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 121 

insulted." After that everything was quiet and the governor 
made his speech, in substance as follows: 

"Fellow Citizens: — I appear before you under very extraordinary cir- 
cumstances, and I ask your attention to a few remarks in relation to them. 
I came down here today for the purpose of adjusting these difficulties, and I 
regret as much as any man can the existence of these difficulties. I wish to 
set myself right before the people of Lawrence. I have been misrepresented 
through the press, and my motives have either been misunderstood or pur- 
posely aspersed, and things have been said of me which never happened. I 
desire now to say while I remain in office, that I have never done a single 
act but what I believed would best subserve the interests of the whole people. 
God knows I have no ill-feeling against any man in the territory. 

" I am sorry blood has been shed here. In the revolution our fathers 
from both the North and South fought and bled together, for the same com- 
mon cause, the cause of liberty, and the result was a glorious triumph, and 
the security to themselves and their posterity of their inalienable rights. So 
it was in the war of 1812; so it was in the war with Mexico, and each time 
the stars and stripes floated over a conquered nation. Shall we steep our 
hands in our brother's blood?" 

Here were cries from the crowd, "Give us back Barber and 
others that have been murdered." "Order!" "Order!" 
''Law and order!" "Don't insult the governor." "Go on." 
The governor resumed when quiet was restored: 

"I came here for the purpose of peace, to try and adjust a serious diffi- 
culty between the people now in the territory. In a few days my successor 
will be among the people of this territory, and I desire now to say that the 
few days that remain of my continuance in office will be devoted to the fur- 
therance of peace and harmony, and to carry out the terms of the agree- 
ment which will be the final settlement of all strife." 

"Let us hear the agreement," a voice cried. "I do not 
understand the terms." "Let us hear the terms." " Order!" 
"Order!" "Law and order!" After quiet was again re- 
stored, the governor stated the terms of the agreement, and 
concluded: 

" Fellow citizens of Lawrence, before leaving you I desire to express my 
earnest desire for your health, happiness, and prosperity. Farewell. 

This treaty was one of the most remarkable ever made, not 



122 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE. 

in its terms, but in the parties between whom it was made. 
A great nation, in the person of Governor Shannon, makes 
a treaty of peace with a committee of citizens, stipulating for 
an exchange of prisoners and captured property, and a 
mutual cessation of hostilities. The governor agreed to sur- 
render the cannon captured at the sacking of Lawrence, and 
the prisoners held for participating in the various conflicts, 
and the free-state men agreed to surrender Titus and his men. 



CHAPTER Vni. 

Retaliation. — Governor Shannon Resigns. — Woodson Act- 
ing Governor. — Martial Law.— Militia Called Out. — 
Missouri Responds. — Twenty-eight Hundred March on 
Lawrence. — Governor John W. Geary Arrives. — Ap- 
pears IN Lawrence with Troops. — The Militia Sent 
Home. — "The Benign Influence of Peace." 

But high as was the authority making the treaty, the free- 
state men soon found it was not high enough. They had 
treated with the governor of Kansas who represented the 
government of the United States, but this did not bind the 
powers that were making war. There was a power behind 
the throne, which was determined to use the throne for its 
own purpose or else topple the throne over. Territorial 
governors and judges and officials were counted as instru- 
ments to accomplish a purpose, and that purpose was to 
enslave Kansas. The pro-slavery party was above the terri- 
torial authorities. If they could not control them they could 
change them. Every governor came expecting to sustain the 1 
pro-slavery policy. Nearly every governor had his eyes 
opened after a short experience, and endeavored to do what 
was fair and just. And every governor when he came to this 
position was removed. It had been so with Reeder; it was 
now so with Shannon. Reeder had fled from the territory 
in peril of his life. Shannon was more conservative and more 
slow in coming to his conclusions, but now his life was threat- 
ened and he remained onl}' a few days after the treaty of 
August 17th. It is interesting to note that ex-Governor 
Shannon afterwards returned to Kansas and chose Lawrence 
as his home, and he remained there the rest of his life, held 
in the highest esteem by everybody. 

As was intimated above, tlie treaty of peace did not bring 



124 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

peace. The parties making war were not bound by it. The 
free-state successes in capturing the strongholds about Law- 
rence stirred up the pro-slavery elements in Kansas and Mis- 
souri to the wildest frenzy. Exaggerated accounts of these 
various affairs were published in pro-slavery papers on the 
borders, and frantic appeals made for vengeance. It was rep- 
resented that pro-slavery men were everywhere being driven 
from their homes, and were in danger of their lives. The 
fight at Fort Titus was magnified into an all-day contest in 
which the inmates manifested the greatest heroism, and only 
surrendered to the force of overwhelming numbers. Titus 
was a martjT to the truth in the hands of men who would 
tear him in pieces. They pictured the country in a state of 
terror, men running for their lives, women and childrdn flee- 
ing from their burning homes. They thus sought to "fire the 
southern heart," and gather a force by which they could not 
only be avenged, but recover the ground lost. The press of 
the border was lurid with descriptions and frantic with ap- 
peals. Flaring headlines announced the news: "Important 
from Kansas;" "Civil war and rebellion;" "Women and 
children fleeing from their houses for their lives." It called 
upon the friends of slavery "to rise as one man and put an 
effectual qviietus on the hired tools of abolition now rampant 
over the plains of Kansas with firebrand and sabre. * * * 
To strangle the demon of disvmion." The whole border was 
aflame and sectional passion at a white heat. Everything 
was astir in Kansas, too. Bands of armed men, of both 
parties, were moving here and there, endeavoring to outwit 
each other, and sometimes coming in conflict with each other, 
but more commonly expending their valor on defenseless 
people. 

At this point an event occured which gave the pro-slavery 

' party an advantage, which they were not slow to improve. 

Governor Shannon left the territory August 21st. Then 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE RERELI.IOX. I25 

Daniel Woodson, the secretary of the territory, became again 
acting governor. He was in full accord with the pro-slavery 
managers. He would go with them to the full length. He 
had no qualms of conscience, and no spasms of indecision. 
He believed in the pro-slavery policy, and he had the courage 
of his convictions. He believed the territorial laws were 
valid, and he was prepared to push that theory to its logical 
conclusion. He stopped at no half-way measures, and shrank 
from no appalling results. He had been secretary from the 
first, and had acted as governor at each interregnum. Every 
time he came to power the pro-slavery people had an open 
field, and carried things with a high hand. They could not 
devise any plan for humiliating the free-state people which 
Woodson was not read}' to sanction. Had he been in power 
for any length of time it would have changed the whole aspect 
of affairs. It would have shortened the Kansas struggle. It 
might have reversed its result. More likely it would have 
driven all the free-state men to adopt the policy of John 
Brown, take their rifles and fight it out to "the bitter end."" 
His term of office was each time short, and always closed just 
as his plans were on the border of full execution. In most 
cases his term of power closed just at the crisis of the emer- 
gency he had invoked. 

Secretary Woodson assumed the office of acting governor 
August 2 1 St. Four days later, August 25th, he issued a proc- 
lamation written with the same carmine ink used in the edi- 
torials over the border. He represented that the "territory 
of Kansas was infected with large bodies of armed men, many 
of whom have just traveled from the states, combined and 
confederated together, and amply supplied Vvith munitions of 
war; these armed men had been engaged in murdering the 
law-abiding citizens of the territory, driving others from 
their homes, * * * holding others as prisoners of war, * * * 
plundering property, * * * burning down houses, * * * 



126 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

even robbing United States postoffices, * * * and all this for 
the purpose of subverting by force and violence the govern- 
ment established by the law of congress in the territory." 

"Now therefore, I, Daniel Woodson, acting governor of 
the territory of Kansas, do hereby issue my proclamation, 
declaring the said territory of Kansas to be in an open state 
of insurrection and rebellion; and I do hereby call upon all 
law-abiding citizens of the territory to rally to the support of 
the territory and its laws, and require and command all 
officers, civil and military, and call all other citizens of the 
territory, to aid and assist, by all means in their power, in 
putting down the insurrectionists, and bringing to condign 
punishment all persons engaged with them, to the end of in- 
suring immunity from violence, and full protection to the 
persons, property and civil rights of all peaceable and law- 
abiding inhabitants of the territory." 

This proclamation, like most of its predecessors, was not 
intended for home consumption. It was intended for use 
across the border, and to furnish a cover under which Mis- 
sourians could march in again and help to settle the affairs of 
their neighbors. There was a great eagerness in Missouri to 
respond to this appeal from the governor, and a great rush to 
be enrolled in the militia of Kansas territory. As Charles 
Robinson says in his "Conflict" : 

" Guerrilla bands of pro-slavery men infested the territory 
as if by magic. Intercourse with Leavenworth was cut off, 
and the beleaguered town of Lawrence was nearly destitute 
of provisions as well as ammunition. Men unarmed and de- 
fenseless were shot down like dogs, and in one instance at 
least scalped. All appeals to Woodson were in vain." 

An army was gathering on the eastern border. All the 
"tried and true" pro-slavery leaders were in it. There was 
Atchison and Reed, and other large fish and small fry, all 
helping to increase the tumult. The army marched on Osa- y 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 27 

watomie, ■which, next to Lawrence, was the most hated place 
in the territory. They easily captured this place, and, after 
pillaging it, burnt the town. Six free-state men lost their 
lives, and nobody has ever been able to ascertain how many 
were killed on the other side. 

But in these affairs they only "tried their 'prentice hand." 
Their masterpiece was to be the destruction of Lawrence. 
Without that their victory would be incomplete. As their 
force increased they prepared for the supreme effort. Law- 
rence, meanwhile, was poorly prepared to resist. The fortifi- 
cations which had been thrown up the year before had been 
largely broken down. The town had been demoralized by 
the sacking of the place in May. The men, too, were scat- 
tered. Even the "Stubbs," the favorite rifle company of ' 
Lawrence, was just then absent on some mission at Hickory 
Point. The free-state men to the north and west of Leaven- \ 
worth had been driven from their claims by bands of pro- 
slavery maurauders who were roving about the country. 
These refugees, under the lead of such men as Hon. F. G. 
Adams, now of the State Historical Society, were anxious to' ' 
recover their claims and return to their homes. They called 
upon Topeka and Lawrence for help, and were planning to 
march to Leavenworth to recover their claims, and if possible 
deliver that town from border ruffian rule. On account of 
this disturbed condition towards the north, the "Stubbs" 
had marched over towards Hickory Point, and a series of ^ 
skermishes took place. For this reason the best organized 
and best equipped company of Lawrence was away just at the 
crisis of affairs. There were only about three hundred men 
available about Lawrence, and not more than fifty of these 
were armed with Sharp's rifles. 

An encouraging event, however, occurred about this time; 
that was the release of the free-state prisoners at Lecompton. 
It will be remembered that these prisoners were the leaders 



128 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

of the free-state cause, and many of them belonged in Law- 
rence, such as Dr. Robinson, G. W. Deitzler, G. W. Brown, 
Gains Jenkins, and others. Arnos A. Lawrence, of Boston, 
after whom the town was named, was an old time friend of 
Dr. Robinson. He was also a personal friend of President 
Pierce. He exerted all the influence he could bring to bear 
to induce the president to order the release of the prisoners 
on bail. After a long delay the president consented and 
and ordered their release. They were "turned loose," as one 
of them expressed it, September loth, and went to Lawrence 
where they were received with great rejoicing. Having been 
in prison four months, however, they coidd not do much 
towards the defense of the town in the short time remaining. 
Another event favorable to the free-state cause, and really 
the turning point of the occasion, was the appointment of 
John W. Geary as governor. The pro-slavery people were 
clamoring for a pro-slavery governor. They would have been 
contented with the promotion of Woodson, as he would have 
served their purpose. But they wanted a man who knew 
the situation, and one whom they could trust. They did not 
want another Reeder who would go over to the enemy as soon 
as he found the kind of work they were doing. They did not 
want another Shannon who should fail them just in the nick 
of time. They wanted a man who not only sympathized with 
their general purpose, but who would carry out their policv to 
the final issue; a man whose nerve would not give out when 
he came to the hard places. With such a man they felt they 
could drive the free-state men from the territory. The border 
press gave the administration any amount of good advice on 
this point. Their ablest editorials were constructed with a 
view of convincing the president and his advisers of their 
duty in the matter. But it fortunately happened that the 
administration had reasons for really desiring to quiet affairs 
in Kansas. In fact it was a political necessity that this should 






Ll/./.li: (IIASKICI.L) FRENCH. LUCY (VVILUEK) UOODUAKU. 

FIRST TEACHERS IN CITY SCHOOLS. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHELLION. I2g 

be done, and donu at once. A presidential election wrU 
coming off in November. The Kansas troubles were working 
havoc in the democratic party. They were indeed becoming 
more disastrous to that party than to the free-state party in 
the territory. In fact they were bringing about that great 
political revolution which four years later swept the country 
from ocean to ocean. Even southern leaders, such as Jeffer- 
son Davis who was secretary of war, saw that it would be 
better to quiet Kansas for a time at least than to be hurled 
from power altogether and lose everything they were con- 
tending for. The choice fell on John W. Geary, of Pennsyl- 
vania. He was strictly charged that he must restore peace in 
Kansas at all hazards. The administration promised to 
support him to the full extent of its power. Governor Geary 
had been in the California troubles with Dr. Robinson, and 
knew something of what the task meant. He was a man of 
ability, with great executive force, and infinite conceit of 
himself. He was a man of good judgment and right in- 
stincts. He arrived at Leavenworth September gth. He 
issued at once a proclamation. In this he stated, "that the 
employment of militia was not authorized by his instructions 
except upon the requisition of the commander of the military 
department. 

"That an authorized regular force had been placed at his 
disposal to insure the execution of the laws: 

"Therefore he declared that the services of such volunteer 
militia were no longer required, and they were ordered to be 
immediately discharged. 

" He further commanded that all bodies of men, combined, 
armed and equipped with munitions of war, instantly disband 
or quit the territory, or they will answer the contrary at their 
peril." 

Governor Geary reached Lecompton September loth, and 
this proclamation was issued the next day. There could not 

9 



130 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

be much doubt about the meaning of it. It was certainly 
couched in ver}^ plain English. The free-state men would 
have obeyed at once, if they could have been assured that it 
was meant for both parties. But they had been accustomed 
to proclamations that were intended for free-state men. Pro- 
slavery offenses were winked at while free-state offenders were 
pursued to the death. They feared to lay down their arms 
until they knew that the governor would require the same 
of the other side. 

The pro-slavery army took no notice of it. They too had 
been accustomed to proclamations that were expected to 
apply only to free-state men. They moved right on, there- 
fore, just as if no new governor had come, and no new 
proclamation had been issued. The army had swelled by 
this time to some twenty-eight hundred men. It was the 
largest, best organized and best equipped army that had ever 
come up from Missouri. Had they moved forward promptly 
they could have destroyed Lawrence before relief could reach 
the place. Procrastination proved the thief he always is, and 
stole their opportune time from them. 

September 14th the enemy began to approach Lawrence. 
Preparations were at once made for defense. A body of 
armed men were placed on the circular earthworks at the 
corner of Massachusetts and Henry streets. Another on 
Rhode Island street, and others in other sections. The 
Stubbs and most of the best armed men were away, and the 
prospect for defense did not seem very flattering. About the 
middle of the afternoon the word went over the town, "they 
are coming." Captain Cracklin was charged with the duty 
of going out to see who had come and what. In a letter he 
tells the story of his effort: 

" I went for the Stubbs but found they had disobeyed orders and left 
town with Colonel Harvey. I regretted this very much. I then hunted the 
Wabaunsee rifles. As I was returning I heard some cry out, " there they 
come." I stopped, turned my eyes in the direction of Franklin, and I saw 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE RERELI.ION. I3I 

a large body of horse-men going towards Mr. Haskell's. I immediately 
started on the run for the Wabaunsee boys and told them to follow me; and 
then started on a dog trot towards the cabin of John Speer, and halted a 
short distance from it on top of a ridge. At the time I halted, the enemy 
had passed into the timber beyond Haskell's. Supposing it their intention 
to pass into the bottom and approach the town from that direction, I con- 
cluded to wait where I was till they showed themselves, feeling sure that 
with them in the bottom, I would have the advantage of position, and could 
attack them with a plunging fire. I was disappointed, however. In a few 
minutes they made their appearance, coming out of the timber and heading 
towards us. As soon as they got in range I ordered the boys to open fire. 
They had not fired more than a dozen shots, when looking towards the town 
I saw quite a number of men on the rnn to our assistance. In the mean- 
time the enemy had disappeared in a hollow or ravine. As fast as my 
friends arrived I placed them in line until my force amounted to fifty-eight. 
I sent Ed. Bond to see what the enemy was doing. We watched him until 
he arrived at the entrance of the ravine where the enemy were concealed, 
when he stonoed, leveled his rifle and fired. He then put spurs to his horse 
and gallope back. He reported them in the ravine at a halt, some of them 
dismounted. I then ordered a forward movement, with my line extended 
as skirmishers. We had a space of half or three-quarters of a mile to cross 
before we would reach the ridge that separated us from the enemy. On 
reaching it we discovered them just going out of the upper end of the ravine 
in the direction of Hanscom's farm. I ordered the boys to open fire and 
load and fire at will. Our whole line immediately commenced blazing away. 
They fired several shots in return but they fell short. One of their men 
was seen to fall near Mr. Hanscom's fence. They put spurs to their horses 
and galloped towards Franklin." 

This ended the contest for the day. But this was only the 
advance sent ahead to feel the way. The army was behind 
and was coming. The spirited manner in which the advance 
was met probably kept them from attacking in force that day. 
If they had done so they could easily have captured the town. 
But by waiting a day they lost their opportunity. 

During the day dispatches had been sent to Governor Geary 
at Lecompton apprising him of the seriousness of the situa- 
tion. He immediately sent' Colonel Johnson with a force of 
artillery and cavalry to Lawrence. They arrived during the 



132 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

night, and posted their cannon on Mount Oread, while the 
dragoons took their place south of town. In the morning as 
the citizens arose, they beheld the stars and stripes floating 
on Mount Oread, and cannon bristling from its summit, while 
the dragoons lay between them and the enemy. The sensa- 
tion of relief and thankfulness which came over them was 
something never to be forgotten. A gentleman who was there 
said to the writer of this that "words could not express our 
feelings towards those soldiers coming thus in the nick of 
time to our relief. United States soldiers had never helped 
us before. They had always been with our enemies." They 
were not willingly with the enemy, but they were under orders. 
The orders were given by the territorial authorities, and the 
territorial authorities carried out the policy of the pro-slavery 
party. If there was an annoying, exasperating process to be 
served a few United States soldiers were sent with the officers. 
Then the free-state people could do no other than submit, no 
matter how unjust or how malicious the process might be. 
Under no circumstances would free-state men resist United 
States soldiers. When bands of pro-slavery men were roam- 
ing about the country, plundering and murdering, and keeping 
the whole commimity in terror, the officials never knew of it 
till it was too late to interfere. But if free-state men under- 
took any counter movement, the officials learned of it with 
surprising promptness, and United States troops were sent 
"to disperse the outlaws." Many of their plans of annoy- 
ance would have failed but for the use they could make of 
these United States troops. Yet the troops themselves had 
no sympathy with the policy they were compelled to support, 
and often despised the work they were compelled to do. But 
they were true soldiers, and obeyed orders, and often did 
good by their impartiality, and prevented unauthorized out- 
rages such as were often committed by volunteer posses, 
under the charge of territorial officers. The soldiers bore 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 33 

themselves admirabl}-, and won the highest regard of all the 
free-state men, notwithstanding the part they were compelled 
to play. After all this experience it was a new sensation 
which the people of Lawrence felt that morning, when they 
saw that these brave soldiers had actually come to their 
assistance in the hour of great peril. 

Early in the morning of September 15th, Governor Geary 
followed the troops and came to Lawrence. He found the 
men all under arms expecting the army from below. He 
promised them full protection, and advised them to go to 
their homes and resume their ordinary business. Trusting 
his Avord, they were thankful and rejoiced in the sense of 
security. 

The governor pushed on at once for Franklin, where the 
invading army was encamped. Before he reached Franklin 
he met the advance guard already on their way. He asked 
them who they were, and what they proposed to do. They 
replied that they were "the territorial militia called into 
service by the governor of Kansas, and they were marching 
to wipe out Lawrence, and every abolitionist in the country." 
He informed them that "he was now governor of Kansas, 
and commander-in-chief of the militia," and he ordered the 
officer to turn his troops about, and march back to camp. 
There was a good deal of grumbling, and some hesitation, 
but they soon ordered a right about face, and conducted the 
governor to the main body. Dr. J. H. Gihon, Governor 
Geary's private secretary, gives a full description of the scene: 

"There in battle arra}' were ranged at least three thousand 
armed and desperate men. They were not dressed in the 
usual habiliments of soldiers, but in everj'^ imaginable cos- 
tume that could be obtained in that region. Scarcely two 
presented the same appearance, while all exhibited a ruffianly 
aspect. Most of them were mounted, and manifested an un- 
mistakable disposition to be at their bloody work. * * * jj^ 



134 ^ HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

passing along the lines, rumors of discontent and savage 
threats of assassination fell on the governor's ears, but heed- 
less of these * * * he proceeded to the headquarters of the 
leaders." 

The governor summoned the officers together and addressed 
them in a very adroit way, and explained the situation and 
his own policy, and then ordered them to disperse. There 
were some mutterings, and even a suggestion that they should 
pitch into the United States troops, and go on and finish their 
job. But this was only the bluster of disappointment, and 
the waser ones saw the folly of attempting to go forward. In 
a little while the whole army was on its way home to Missouri. 

They went away in a sullen mood, and in anything but a 
peaceable spirit. They stole horses and cattle on the way, 
and made free with whatever they found. This could have 
been endured, for it was soon to end. But some of them did 
not confine their depredations to cattle and horses. A com- 
pany of Kickapoo Rangers went home by wa\^ of Lecompton, 
crossing the Kansas river at that place, and going north. 
They were not in a hurry either. September 17th, two days 
after the army disbanded, they were going towards Lecomp- 
ton some seven miles from Lawrence. Here the}^ came upon 
David C. Buffam, working with his team. Buffam had come 
to Kansas with the second party in 1854. While guarding 
one of the forts in Lawrence he was accidently wounded in 
the thigh, and was crippled for life. He afterwards went on 
a farm where this gang of desperadoes found him. They 
wanted his horse. He protested against it, and told them 
'Mie was a cripple, a poor lame man; that he had an aged 
father, a deaf and dumb brother, and two sisters dependent 
on him, and he was dependent on his horses to make a living. " 
His pleading enraged them, and one of them ,siezed him by 
the shoulder with one hand and shot him with the other. 
They then took his horse and left him to die. A few minutes 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 135 

after Governor Geary and Judge Cato came along where he 
was lying. They dismounted and came up and heard the 
dying man's story. The governor was so much moved that 
he asked Judge Cato to take the poor man's dying deposition. 

On his return to Lecompton the governor had a warrant 
sworn out for the arrest of the murderer, and placed it in the 
hands of the marshal. The marshal had been remarkably 
vigorous in the arrest of free-state men on all sorts of charges, 
but he was not able to find the murderer of Buffam, and so 
reported. The governor by this time began to grow angry, 
and offered a reward of five hundred dollars for the arrest of 
the murderer. Some weeks after he learned that the man, 
whose name was Hax's, was living in Atchison county, and he 
at once ordered his arrest, and he was indicted on the charge 
of murder in the first degree. But a week later Judge Le- 
compte released him on bail. The governor was thoroughly 
enraged at the unwarranted interference, and had Hays 
arrested again. But Judge Lecompte again released him 
on a writ of habeas corpus. This was the end of the case, as/ 
the governor saw he was dealing with men who would go to 
any extreme to carry their point. 

Another incident which illustrated the same thing was the 
misfortune which befell the "Stubbs,"the favorite military 
company of Lawrence. As was said they were not present 
when the Missourians came up. They. had been ordered by 
Colonel Lane to go to Hickory Point, where a number of pro- 
slavery men had fortified themselves in a log house. Under the 
command of Colonel J. A. Harvey they and others made an 
attack September 14th and kept up the firing for several 
hours. Then the pro-slavery party surrendered. There had 
been one pro-slavery man killed, and several on both sides 
wounded. The prisoners were at once released, and the free- 
state men started home. On their way home they were met - 
by a body of United States troops and made prisoners. They 



136 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

considered their capture as a trivial affair, and went on cheer- 
fully with their captors. They expected nothing more seri- 
ous than a little delay. But when they reached Lecompton 
they w^ere put under arrest and kept as prisoners waiting an 
examination. They wefe given poor shelter and poor rations, 
and their examination was provokingly delayed. When an 
examination was at last accorded them, they were indicted 
for murder, and Judge Cato refused to admit them to bail. 
They received their trial in October. Some were acquitted, 
and some convicted of varying degrees of crime. Those con- 
victed were kept in prison, and Sheriff Jones wished to sub- 
ject them to still greater indignity by putting balls and chains 
upon them. Governor Geary, however, refused to furnish 
these articles of footgear, and they were spared tliis outrage. 
The officer put in charge of them, however, was kind to them, 
and let them go about as they pleased on their word of honor 
that they would return. A southern gentleman visiting Le- 
compton wished to see these prisoners of whom he had heard 
such dreadful stories. The governor pointed out to him 
where they were, and he walked over. Not seeing any 
frowning prison he inquired of two men, who were pitching 
quoits, where the prison was. They pointed to an old tum- 
bled down house without windows or doors, and informed him 
that that was the prison. He was astonished at the. prison, 
and said he wanted to see the prisoners. 

"Well, I am one of them, and that is another," pointing to 
his companion. 

"But do they allow convicted murderers to go about in 
this way, without a guard to watch them?" 

"Oh, yes. They used to send a guard when we went over 
to the legislature, to protect us from the members; but it was 
too mvich trouble and expense, and they told us we must pro- 
tect ourselves." 

"But why don't }'ou run away?" 




B. W. UOOnWARD. 

iMist l)iu-j:ist. 





lAUL R. BROOKS, 

I'irsi (iciioral Mi-rcliandiM' 




J. O. SANUS, 

First Siuliilor 



ROBERT L. FRAZER, 

I'iist JeweU'r. 
FIRST MERCHANTS IN LAWRENCE. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 37 

"We have often been urged to do that, but these rascally 
legislators have been threatening to kill the governor, so we 
propose to stay here and watch them and protect him." 

On the second day of March, 1857, the governor pardoned 
the whole lot, in compliance with numerous petitions to that 
effect. He pardoned them on the ground that "the offense 
for which they were convicted was committed in a political 
contention in which most of the people were, engaged; that 
while others more guilt}' were still at large, the}' had been 
punished sufficiently alreadj^, and that their further punish- 
ment would neither subserve the ends of justice nor the inter- 
ests of the territory. " So after nearly six months the ' ' Stubbs " 
were all at home again. They had conducted themselves 
manfully during the whole trying experience, and had won 
the entire confidence of their keepers, Captain Hampton and 
his men. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Bogus Legislature Again. — Governor Geary Comes 
INTO Collision with It. — He is Bitterly Assailed by 
Pro-Sl.a.very Leaders. — Resigns in March. — Walker 
AND Stanton. — Peace and Progress and Prosperity. — 
Lawrence and her Voluntary City Government. — 
Martial Law Once More. 

After the "army of invasion" had left, September 15th, 
1856, Governor Geary continued his effort at restoring peace 
and order. He commanded all bodies of armed men to dis- 
band, and promised protection to all alike. As soon as they 
were convinced that he meant what he said the free-state men 
acquiesced cheerfully in his policy. The}^ only wanted quiet 
and fair play. In a few weeks order was restored, and every- 
body could go peaceably about his work. But the gover- 
nor's attempts to administer equal justice and secure fair play 
for all were not well received by his own political associates. 
A man who insisted on fair play was not at all to their mind. 
They distrusted him from the first. They had not been con- 
sulted in his appointment, and their advice as to what kind of 
a governor was needed had been entirely disregarded. When 
they found him trying to give justice to free-state and pro- 
slavery men alike, they had no further use for him. They 
began at first to embarrass him, and then openly to antagonize 
him. During the session of the legislature the following win- 
ter he was in conflict Avith them continually. He sought to 
procure legislation that would promote peace and order, 
while they were aiming at legislation that would favor their 
own idea and desire. He vetoed several of their bills, but they 
passed them over his veto. The feeling ran so high that his 
life was several times threatened, and he began to be in con- 
stant fear of violence. To make matters worse, he began to 



TO THE CLOSK OF THE REBELLION. 1 39 

discover that they had been working against him at Washing- 
ton, and that the national administration had deserted him. 
When things seemed threatening and he asked for troops to 
maintain peace, he was coolly informed that "there were no 
troops available for that purpose." When he first came the 
administration answered all his requisitions promptly, and to 
the full extent. Now there "were no troops available." Of 
course he knew what that meant. When he first came to 
Kansas a national election was impending, and he was urged 
to "quiet Kansas at any cost." Now the election had been 
held, the administration had been successful, and peace in 
Kansas was no longer essential to them. 

As pro-slavery men deserted the governor free-state men 
rallied about him. They even offered to furnish a military 
guard when United States troops were refused him. But this 
he wisely declined. The free-state men had predicted what 
the outcome would be if he adhered to his policy of equal 
justice. One day in the previous autumn, when he was dis- 
coursing confidently as to what he was going to do, Captain 
Walker, who was present, said to him, "We like your talk 
first rate, but I predict that you will take the underground 
railroad out of Kansas in less than six months." His words 
w^ere prophetic. The breach between him and the pro-slavery 
leaders grew wider and wider, and the contiict more and more 
bitter. He worried through the winter, and had a stormy time 
during the session of the legislature. They were many of 
them rough men, living in a rough time, and desperate. By 
spring the strain of the conflict had become unendurable, and 
March 4th he sent in his resignation. Before his resignation 
became known in Kansas, he had quietly left the territory, and 
never returned. Only a few trusted friends knew the purpose 
of his departure. He feared to have his resignation known 
until he himself was out of reach. 

Governor Geary had proved himself the man for the time. 



140 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Personally he fared just as the free-state people predicted, 
and just as his predecessors had fared. The moment it was 
discovered that he would not concede all the pro-slavery 
leaders demanded, they forsook him; and when they forsook 
him the administration at Washington forsook him also. He 
came to Kansas with the sound of trumpets, and with the 
tread of a conquering hero. He left Kansas six months later 
in the night, careful that even his footsteps should not be 
heard. He had added largely to his stock of experience, but 
his stock of conceit had been very material!}' reduced. He 
came with the sense of victory, and left with the sense of 
failure. But his administration was not a failure. It was a 
ver}' marked success. He accomplished what he set out to 
do. He found the territory in a state of civil war and on the 
eve of a great calamity. He restored and maintained order 
throughout all the land, and in his own favorite phrase, he 
gave the people "the benign influences of peace." And peace 
was what Kansas needed. She was weary of war and worn 
out of the conflict. And the peace that came with his admin- 
istration came to sta)^, and continued to reign when he was 
gone. There were local disturbances and local outrages after 
that, but the territory as a whole was quiet and its people 
were permitted to prosper, with no one to molest them or 
make them afraid. 

Lawrence enjoyed to the full extent the peace that came to 
her when the "arm}'" left. She liad known no quiet since 
early spring. Much of the time business was practically sus- 
pended, and some of the time the people were in danger of 
famine. There could be no improvement made and no prog- 
ress. These few weeks of quiet before winter, were much 
appreciated, and very necessary for preparation for the winter's 
comfort. There was not much building going on, but every- 
bod}' did his utmost to repair the damages of the simimer, 
and to get ready for the cold of winter. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. I4I 

After the resignation of Governor Geary, President Bu- 
chanan took a month to consider the question of a successor. 
April loth he appointed Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, | 
governor and Frederick P. Stanton, of Washington, secretary 
of the territory. Walker had been in the senate a number of 
years, and was secretary of the treasury under President Polk. 
He was a man of prominence and of high character. Stanton 
was younger but scholarly and forceful, an able lawyer, and 
in every way an admirable man. He was an eloquent 
speaker, with a rich voice, and a fine presence. He came 
out at once, while Walker did not come till May. Stanton 
arrived at Leavenworth April 13th and issued an address 
setting forth "his policy," as acting governor. He was par- | 
ticular to emphasize the idea that the laws of the territorial 
legislature would be enforced. This pleased the pro-slavery 
crowd, but set the teeth of the free-state men on edge. They 
feared a renewal of the scenes of the previous year. Soon 
after this he went to Lawrence and addressed the people. 
His speech very adroitly avoided the points at issue and dealt / 
in eloquent generalities and classical allusions. Though 
there were a good many college graduates among his hearers, 
they were less interested in the Agrarian laws of Rome than 
in the bogus laws of Kansas. In the midst of one of his 
flights of oratory they interrupted him with the question: 
"How about the territorial laws, governor?" He did not 
seem to hear the question, but sailed on. The question was 
repeated, 

" Nearer, clearer, louder tban before." 

"How about the territorial laws?" "The laws must be 
obeyed," he replied at last. "Never, never," replied a score 
of voices in unison. "Then there will be war between you 
and me — war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt." " Let 
it come; let it come; we are ready." The governor closed 
his speech more abruptly than the rules of rhetoric advise,, 
and went away with a feeling that he had a problem to solve. 



1^2 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Governor Walker arrived May 25th, and he also issued an 
address in which he set forth the same policy as that fore- 
shadowed by Acting Governor Stanton. They were both 
clear-headed, fair-minded men, and performed their duties 
in an impartial way, and thus soon won the confidence of the 
people, and preserved the peace of the country. As with 
their predecessors, so it fared with them. In less than six 
months their attempts at impartial management brought them 
into collision with their own party, and they were compelled 
to look for support and sympathy to the free-state men. 

The year 1857 was in marked contrast with that of 1856. 
"Order reigned in Warsaw." There were no more armed 
invasions from Missouri, and no attempts to overthrow the 
free-state cause by violence. The contest was not over, but 
the pro-slavery party had changed their policy and were 
seeking their end through other lines. The embargo on the 
-Missouri river was removed, and all ways to the territory were 
open. The disturbances of the year before had turned all 
eyes towards Kansas, and with the opening spring the tide 
of immigration began to flow in a larger volume than ever. 
They came from all quarters and by all roads and by all 
methods. Some came by steamer, some by wagons, and 
some on foot. It would hardly be overstating it to say that 
three-fourths of those who came were in favor of a free state. 
Though a good proportion were from the south, very many 
even of these were not in favor of slavery. The pro-slavery 
cause suffered from the fact that slaveholders did not dare to 
bring their slaves, and consequently very few slaveholders 
came. The territorial legislature had passed stringent laws 
protecting slave property, but the attitude of the free-state 
men practically nullified these laws. The free-state men felt, 
therefore, that they only needed to wait. If they could have 
quiet for a year or two, the preponderance of free-state immi- 
gration would settle the question beyond dispute. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 43 

The enormous rush of immigration made times lively. It 
was what they called a prosperous season. All these people 
brought money, and they had to spend money. They all 
wanted to invest in some of the sacred soil of which they had 
heard so much. To accommodate this army of would be 
investors, a good portion of the territory was laid out in town- 
sites, and in the words of a wag "several of these had 
buildings on them. " But whether they had buildings on 
them, or were marked only by the corner stakes, they were 
all represented on beautifully lithographed maps, from which 
the eager immigrant selected his lot. There were not less 
than a score of such town-sites within fifteen miles of Law- 
rence. 

The tide of immigration kept rolling in. It was popular to 
come to Kansas, and the trip could be very comfortably 
made. Not only immigrants came, but multitudes of others 
came to see the country and to see the fun. Everybody came 
to Kansas, for all sorts of reasons. Her highways were 
thronged, her stage coaches were packed, and her towns were 
crowded. Not a great deal was done to develope the country. 
There were a great many claims but not much farming, a 
great deal of consumption but not much production. All 
these people had to live, but not many of them were making 
a living. They all brought money and they all had to spend 
money. It was a time, therefore, of "unexampled pros- 
perity. " The merchant sold no end of goods at prices that 
made him happy. The land dealer sold lots without limit, 
and so long as the tide kept up, at constantly advancing 
prices. The purchaser of one day became the seller of the 
next, and all went on swimmingly until the last man should 
be left "holding the bag." It was not unusual for a man to 
double his money in a few weeks. Money loaned at unheard 
of rates, to be used in unheard of bargains. Everybody was 
getting rich trading back and forth in property that produced 
no income, and had no intrinsic value. 



144 



A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 



Lawrence was in the center of all this whirl. She was the 
center of free-state interest, and the " capital of the free-state 
party." Everybody that came to Kansas came to Lawrence. 
As all roads led to Rome, so all roads led to Lawrence. 
Here immigrants came to get their bearings and their supplies. 
Here visitors came to begin their tours of observation. 
Here politicians met to discuss the situation and lay their 
plans. The Leavenworth Herald, a year later, said of this 
same season: " Every newly arrived immigrant, as he stepped 
upon the levee, shouldered his carpet-bag, and stopping long 
enough to inquire the way to 'Larrence,' sst off towards the 
Mecca of his abolition pilgrimage." The contagion was 
universal, and no caution was proof against it. Conservative 
men would come from the east, shake their wise heads at the 
folly of these western investments, and in three weeks be as 
wild as the wildest. A very conservative business man of 
New York came out to warn his children against engaging in 
these reckless speculations. After remaining with them a 
few weeks, he was more eager to invest than they had ever 
been. The singular feature about this speculating mania is 
that those in the midst of it always think that this condition 
will continue. One of the most far-seeing of the promoters 
of Lawrence told the writer of this sketch afterwards, that at 
the time he had the most positive conviction that Lawrence 
would have twenty thousand people in two years. 

As Lawrence grew she began to feel the need of a munici- 
pal government. The territorial legislature incorporated the 
town in 1855, but the citizens never organized under the act and 
were without municipal regulations or officers. In July 1857 
they adopted a charter of their own, and adopted a form of 
municipal government. Governor Walker pronounced this 
act treason, and sent Colonel Cook with four hundred dra- 
goons to suppress it. He came also himself to superintend 
the job. He placed the town under martial law, and cut off 




CENL. GEO. \V. UKIT/.LICK, 
IMrsI Ucsiiiiiciil l\;itis:is XOInnlcfi-; 





COL. O. E. LEAKNAKi), 

First Ki'-rimcnt Kaiisiis Voluiilcf 




MAJ. EDMINIJ (i. ROSS, COI. JOHN K i; A N K I N . 

I'. S. Sciintiu- lHfKl-71. Ai<i-(lc-c:irrii) ^l:i"' "•" ''<nl. Milrhrl 

KAKLV MILITAKV LKADKKS. 



lO IHF. ( I.OSF. OF IHF REBELLION. I45 

connections with the surrounding country except under mili- 
tary inspection. The offending government about which all 
this commotion was made remained invisible. They sought 
it but they could not find it. Those who had it in charge, 
however, went on with their duties: looked after the sanitary- 
condition of the town, the cleaning of streets, the hauling off 
of dead horses, but did all this so quietly, and so entirely by 
common consent, that it was not possible to make a case 
against them. The citizens and the soldiers were on the best 
of terms, and exchanged jokes continually as to their rather 
unusual situation. The pro-slavery papers predicted trouble 
as soon as any "overt act" was committed, but the people of 
Lawrence took good care that no "overt act " should be com- 
mitted, and that nothing should be done which should furnish 
an occasion for military interference. After a few^ weeks this 
farce grew too broad to be continued, and the troops were 
removed. 



10 



CHAPTER X. 

Lecompton Constitutional Convention. — The Census and 
■ Apportionment. — Free-State Men Ignore It. — Elec- 
tion OF Territorial Legisl.a.ture. — Shall We Vote? — 
Free-State Men Carry the Election. — Oxford and the 
Cincinnati Directory. — Walker THRO^vs Out the 
Fraudulent Returns. — Is Removed from Offce. 

There were two very important political movements during 
the year 1857. One was the projection of the Lecompton 
constitution, the other was the election of a new territorial 
legislature. As was said before the pro-slavery people had 
changed their policy. It had become evident even to them 
that slaverv could not be established in Kansas by force and 
violence. So there were no more armed invasions from Mis- 
souri. But the contest was not ended by any means. It had 
become a contest of diplomacy instead of arms. The pro- 
slavery party had the advantage in being in possession of the 
forms of law. The free-state party had the advantage of pre- 
ponderating numbers, and probably of skill in management. ' 
The pro-slavery men had given up the idea of force, and they 
had given up the idea of establishing slavery by a fair vote of 
the people. They had one resource left. The old Shawnee 
legislature had been elected for two years. Its second ses- 
sion commenced in January, 1S57. The plan that they now 
adopted was that this legislature should provide for a consti- 
tutional convention, which should form a constitution, and 
send it to congress, expecting congress to admit Kansas into 
the union under it. Thus Kansas would be a slave state in 
spite of the wishes of three-fourths of its people. The bill for 
this purpose was very skillfully drawn. Dr. Gihon, Governor 
Geary's private secretary, says it was drawn up by the south- 
ern senators in Washington, and sent to Kansas ready for the 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. I47 

legislature to pass. At all events it was so skillfully drawn 
that the pro-slavery men could easily keep control of the gov- 
ernment from beginning to end. Governor Geary opposed 
the movement, and this brought him into conflict with his 
former friends. He offered to sign the bill, if a clause were 
inserted requiring the constitution to be submitted to a vote 
of the people. But they said, "this would defeat the object 
of the bill, which was to secure Kansas to the South as a 
slave state, beyond any possibility of doubt." They said, 
"the South has reached a crisis, and must have Kansas." 
They said if the "constitution were submitted to a vote, the 
free-state fellows would vote it down. If Kansas were a slave 
state, however, the abolitionists would leave it." The bill, 
therefore, passed as it had been proposed. Governor Geary 
vetoed it, but the legislature passed it over his objections. 

The election for delegates to this convention was set for 
June 15th. As the day approached the question arose, shall 
the free-state men vote at this election, and shall they try to 
get control of the convention? The question was discussed 
among the people, and at conventions called to confer on that 
subject. Governor Walker urged them to vote. But the 
free-state men saw so many objections, that it was finally de- 
cided to let the election go by default. They said it was the ' 
product of the old bogus legislature which they had repudi- 
ated, and to vote for delegates would be to recognize the acts 
of that body. Then the bill creating the convention, provided 
for a census and registration. None could vote who were not 
in the territory' March 15th. The large free-state immigration 
of the spring was thus excluded. The census was taken by - 
the county officers who were all pro-slavery men. While they 
were careful to register all pro-slavery voters, hundreds of - 
free-state men were omitted. Worse than this, in nineteen 
interior counties, which were strongly free-state, no census 
whatever was taken, and they were practically disfranchised. 



14^ A HISTORY OK LAWRENCE 

The sixteen counties where tlie census was taken were either 
on tlie INIissouri border or near that border, and frauds would 
be easy. The whole thing was framed to give the convention 
to the pro-slavery party without fail. The free-state nun 
argued that against such odds they had no chance of success, 
and that it was both more consistent and more wise to ignore 
the whole thing. When the election took place, therefore,, 
pro-slavery men alone voted, and only about twenty-two hun- 
dred votes were cast out of a registration of nearly ten thous- 
and voters. The convention therefore was unanimously pro- 
slavery, as it was intended to be. 

^leanwhile another question began to loom up which ob- 
scured that of the convention. In October a new territorial 
legislature was to be chosen. Should the free-state men par- 
ticipate in this election, and endeavor to get possession of the 
law-making power of the territory? Governor Walker was 
very anxious they should do so. Hon. Henry Wilson, of 
Massachusetts, also urged them to participate in that election. 
If they could only get control of the legislature, they would 
have in their own hands the power by which the pro-slavery 
party had so grieviously harrassed them for two years. There 
were many reasons urged for not participating. The appor- 
tionment of members of the legislature was based on the 
defective census taken in the spring. The census gave the 
pro-slavery sections all the advantage in the apportionment. 
Besides this was the fear that fraud would be practiced as it 
had been before, and the legislature would be stolen from 
them whatever the real vote might be. Governor Walker 
promised them, how^ever, that they would have a fair election, 
and that fraud and violence would not be permitted. After 
an examination of views and many conferences and conven- 
tions, the free-state men decided to go into the election, and 
they made a thorough canvass of the territory to that end. 

The election occurred October 5th. The governor was as 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 49 

good as his word in preventing violence at the polls, or any 
invasion of foreign voters. He had troops at all the voting 
places where there was any fear of trouble, and the election 
passed off quietly. The next morning the free-state people - 
were made jubilant by the returns. They had won in the 
contest, and the coming legislature was theirs by a large 
margin. The people of Lawrence were particularly enthusi- 
astic. They had been harrassed for two years b)' acts of that 
bogus legislature which everybody knew was a fraud, but from 
whose grasp they could not be delivered. Their leading men 
had been hounded continually by writs and prosecutions 
which had no valid basis, but which dragged them before a 
court in which they could get no justice. Many of them had 
been imprisoned for months on charges which their accusers 
did not dare to have investigated, and so did not deign to 
bring them to trial even before their own partisan courts. 
Others were compelled to keep in hiding, or leave the terri- 
tory to avoid arrest, and escape persecution. Now the power 
which had been so effectively used to annoy them, they could 
use for the furtherance of order and good government. The 
people of Lawrence had entered into the election with great 
spirit, and Douglas county had polled a large vote. 

Among the means resorted to by the pro-slavery managers 
to prevent free-state success was that of yoking the free-state 
counties with pro-slavery counties on the border. Thus 
Douglas count)' was yoked with Johnson county, and the com- 
bined district was allowed eight members. But the free-state 
men were able to overcome this. Douglas polled 1638 votes 
for the free-state ticket and 187 for the pro-slaver}' ticket, 
while Johnson county only reported a small majority the 
other way. The morning after the election showed some 
1500 majority for the free-state candidates. But the second 
day after election put another face on affairs, and the enthus- 
iasm of the people of Lawrence changed to indignation. The 



150 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

little precinct of Oxford, in Johnson, was reported as having 
cast 1638 votes, overcoming the large vote of Douglas county 
and giving the election to the pro-slavery candidates. Every- 
body knew it must be a fraud, and nobody pretended to deny 
it. But the returns were regular, and sworn to by the judges. 
On inquiry they found that the polls had been open for two 
days at Oxford. On the first day 91 votes were cast, the ut- 
most limit of the legal vote. That night they had messen- 
gers at all the precincts in Douglas county to watch the count. 
As soon as the resit was known they rode during the night to 
Westport and reported the size of the free-state majority. 
The polls were opened again at Oxford, therefore, and 1547 
additional votes reported. Notwithstanding this large vote, 
but few people were about the polls that day. The names 
on the poll list were not known in that community. It was 
afterward found that the list was written in alphabetical order, 
' and had been copied from the Cincinnati directory. 

The people of Lawrence were in what might be called a 
"state of mind" when they learned these facts. They found 
the English language a feeble medium through which to ex- 
press their feelings. Those who had opposed voting said 
"We told you so." Some were in favor of one thing and 
some another. But it was finally decided to appeal to the 
governor. He had promised them an honest election, and 
it was his assurance that induced them to go into the election. 
He could do no less than protect them from a fraud so mani- 
fest and bold. They drew up a protest, therefore, in which 
they narrated the facts, and asked him to throw out these 
fraudulent returns and give certificates of election in accord- 
ance with the honest choice of the people. The following are 
a few of the names attached to this protest: G. W. Smith, 
A. Newman, C. Hornsby, J. M. Coe, August Wattles, J. F. 
Griswold, Samuel Walker, George Ford, E. D. Ladd, H. W. 
Baker, Gains W. Jenkins, James Christian, and many others. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 151 

The pro-slavery people protested against the governor's 
interfering with the returns. They said he had no right to go 
back of the returns. It was his duty to give certificates to those 
elected by the face of the returns. The legislature must be 
the judge of all the rest. But the governor was as indignant 
as the people. The case was so plain that there was but 
one course to pursue. To give certificates to men elected by 
such unblushing frauds would be an outrage beyond anything 
yet endured. He refused to recognize the Oxford returns, 
therefore, and gave certificates to the free-state candidates. 
It hardly seems credible that an act of such manifest justice 
should be made the ground for the governor's removal from 
office. Yet such was the case. Governor Walker went to 
Washington soon after the election to confer with the admin- 
istration. He got no satisfaction, and was soon after relieved 
of office. 

The free-state men were very much rejoiced at the gover- 
nor's decision. But their joy was not without mixture. 
There was still a fly in the free-state ointment, and a very 
large fly it was. They now had the territorial legislature, but 
the pro-slavery people had the constitutional convention. The 
free-state people had paid little attention to this during the 
summer, thinking it of very little consequence. But their ene- 
mies had not taken all this trouble for nothing. That constitu- 
tional convention was created for a purpose, and they did not 
propose to let it die on their hands. The convention met at Le- 
compton September 7th, but after organizing and doing some 
preliminary business they adjourned to October igth. This 
would be after the territorial election. They met again Oc- 
tober 19th. The election being over and the territorial legis- 
lature having passed into free-state hands, it behooved them 
to make the most of this last remaining instrument for estab- 
lishing slavery in Kansas. They framed a constitution which 
declared that "the right of a slave owner to such slave and 



152 A HISTORY OF LAWREN'CE 

its increase is the same and inviolable as the right of any 
property whatever." The constitution was sent to congress 
without being submitted to a vote of the people of the terri- 
tory. The free-state people who had thus far looked upon 
the movement as of little moment, now* began to be alarmed. 
If congress should accept the constitution, all the}' had done 
would mean but little. Their success in the territorial elec- 
tion could be of little consequence if this Lecompton consti- 
tution was to supplant the territorial government. They be- 
stirred themselves, therefore, to put the real facts before con- 
gress, and prevent its adoption if possible. They knew the 
president would urge it, the senate would accept it, and the 
house was very close. 

A convention, therefore, met at Lawrence December 2nd 
to confer as to the most effective means for prenventing its 
adoption. It was one of the largest and most influential free- 
state conventions that had been held. There were one hun- 
dred and thirty delegates, and nearly every district was rep- 
resented, and by the strongest men they could send. All the 
trusted leaders of the party were present, and the feeling on 
all hands was very intense. The debate was one of the ablest 
ever conducted since the settlement. The delegates felt that 
they might be on the eve of thrilling events, and might be 
making history faster than they thought. The debate had 
something of the spirit which one may suppose animated 
the continental congress on the eve of the revolution. The 
burden of every speech was that this bogus constitution 
should never be forced upon them by any power or under any 
circumstances. "Appealing to the God of justice and hu- 
manity, we do solemnl}' enter into league and covenant with 
each other that we will never, under any circumstances, per- 
mit the said constitution, so framed and not submitted, to be 
the organic law of the state of Kansas, but do pledge our lives, 
our fortunes and our sacred honor to ceaseless hostility to the 
same." 




GEO. W. SMITH, 

Attonu'y at Law. 




Altoriu-y at Law. 




SAMIEI. A. RIOGS. 

r.s. iMstiii-t .Vttoriif.v. iH;:-r.<.). 



JAMES S. EMEKV, 

r. S. District Attorm-y. istv{-ir 



EARLY MKMBHRS OF LAWRENXE BAR. 



TO THE CLOSt: OF THE REBELLION. 1 53 

In addition to all this, Acting Governor Stanton had been 
petitioned to call together the new legislature in special ses- 
sion to provide for getting the sense of the people in some 
authentic manner. Stanton at once called the legislature 
together, and they met five days later, December yth. They 
passed a bill providing for a vote on the Lecompton constitu- 
tion January 4th, the day for electing state officers under that 
constitution. Over ten thousand votes were recorded against 
it that day. But the pro-slavery people ignored the election, 
and there was no negative vote. 

At Washington the president urged the adoption of the 
constitution. The senate passed a bill to that effect, but it 
failed in the house. The house passed a bill submitting the 
constitution to a vote of the people of Kansas, and this failed 
in the senate. Finally a compromise, called the English 
bill, passed both houses, submitting the constitution indirectly 
to a vote of the people. This vote was taken August 2nd, 
1858, and the proposition was voted down in Kansas by an 
overwhelming majorit}', nearly five to one. This ended the 
Lecompton trouble, and was the last attempt to fasten slavery 
upon Kansas. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Territorial Legislature Adjourns to Lawrence. — 
The Bogus Laws sent Home. — The L.\wrence Char- 
ter. — A CiTv Government at last. — Samuel Medary 
Governor. 

Going back to the legislature we follow its history. After 
the special session the body adjourned, and met again in reg- 
ular session at Lecompton January 4th, 1858. The council 
chose Carmi W. Babcock, of Lawrence, president, and the 
house of representatives chose George W. Deitzler, of Law- 
rence, as speaker. After the organization, the body ad- 
journed to Lawrence, where they continued for the balance 
of the session. They occupied the second and third floors of 
the new^ brick building just south of the Eldridge House. 
The free-state part of the legislature felt very much at home 
at Lawrence, as they had most of them been their often at 
free-state conventions, and for purposes of defense. It 
seemed very fitting, too, that the free-state legislature should 
sit at the capital of the free-state party, for the free-state 
party had become the commonwealth. As soon as the forms 
of law were taken from the pro-slavery party, every body was 
surprised to find how little there was of it. They never made 
another important demonstration, but seemed to drop entirely 
out. The free-state men did not know till now how strong 
they themselves were. It was very fitting, therefore, that 
the capital of the free-state party should become the capital 
of the commonwealth. The Lawrence people, therefore, en- 
joyed having the legislature with them as the legislature 
enjoyed being there. The session continued forty days. The 
amount of business done was not very large. The members 
were new to the work, and the situation was new. It was not 
strange that little was done in the way of practical legislation. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 55 

A year later the fourth legislature assembled. As before, 
they met at Lecompton and organized, and adjourned at once 
to Lawrence. This legislature took hold of their work with 
more system and vigor. They appointed a codifying commis- 
sion to arrange the laws of the territory. The first legisla- 
ture, in 1855, had not taken the trouble to draw up a code of 
laws. Their own state of Missouri had a very excellent code 
all prepared, and they adopted that ''in bulk," ordering the 
clerk to make the necessary verbal changes. The only orig- 
inal laws they drew up were those pertaining to slaver}', in 
which the Missouri code was too mild. As the Shawnee 
legislature adopted the Missouri code "in bulk," this legis- 
lature of 1859 repealed it "in bulk." They would not so 
much as use it as a basis for the new code. It was the old 
bogus affair, and they would have none of it. They repealed 
it altogether from preface to conclusion. As soon as this was 
done the "boys" gathered up all the copies of the bogus laws 
they could find, and had a glorious bonfire on Massachusetts 
street. Some wag took a copy, carefull}^ wrapped it, and 
sent it by express to the Missouri state officials at Jefferson 
City, with the inscription, "Returned with thanks." The 
place of meeting in 1859 was the old concrete building on 
Massachusetts street north of Winthrop. When it was built 
it was considered quite a magnificent affair, but the march of 
improvement has left it in the rear. It was a double store 
and answered very well for the purposes of the legislature. 

The session of i860 repeated the histor}^ of its predeces- 
sors with variations. The course of true love did not run as 
smoothly as heretofore. Samuel Medary, of Ohio, was now 
governor and Hugh S. Walsh was secretary of the territory. 
Medary was a supporter of the administration at Washington, 
but he was a broad-minded, large-hearted man, and he and 
the free-state men got along very harmoniously. But now for 
some reason there came a change. The legislature met Jan- 



156 A HISTORY OF LAWRENXE. 

uary 7th at Lecompton as usual. As usual also they organ- 
ized and adjourned to Lawrence. The governor vetoed the 
resolution for adjournment. The resolution stated that the 
adjournment to Lawrence was made necessary by the lack of 
accommodations at Lecompton. The governor replied that 
while the accommodations at Lecompton were not palatial, 
they were ample. They were good enough for the territorial 
officials and he thought they were good enough for the legis- 
lature. He doubtless had the best of the argument. But the 
argument stated in the resolution was not the real reason for 
the adjournment. The answering of that argument did 
not change the minds of the members. They adjourned to 
Lawrence because they did not like Lecompton, and would 
not sta)^ there if they could help it. In the bitter struggle 
that had passed Lecompton had become a hated name in free- 
state circles, and if they had offered palaces instead of hovels, 
the members would have left just the same. So they passed 
the resolution over the governor's veto, and went to Lawrence, 
the "governor's objections to the contrary notwithstanding." 
The governor and secretarv, how'ever, refused to go, and re- 
fused to send books and records needed for the transaction of 
business. One da}' when Secretary Walsh was in Lawrence 
it was determined to bring him before the bar of the house to 
answer for his refusal to honor the request for the needed 
books. A resolution was passed ordering the sergeant-at- 
arms to bring the secretary before the house. The sergeant- 
at-arms was George F. Warren, an officer who, like the poet, 
was "born and not made." He was born a fuU-fliedged ser- 
gcant-at-arms. He delighted in the duties of his office, espec- 
ially in some mission like this. He sallied forth with all the 
power of the legislature in his hands, and the dignity of a great 
commonwealth on his shoulders. While he was gone many 
of the members felt a little uncomfortable. What if Walsh 
should refuse to obey their summons? What should they do 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 157 

next to maintain their dignity? There was a wonderful re- 
lief felt when the sergeant-at-arins came back, bringing the 
secretary with him. The secretary was evidently annoyed, 
and looked pale about the mouth. He looked as if he would 
like to use some unparliamentary language. But he said 
nothing. He evidently thought it was not wise to come in 
conflict with the legislature. He walked up to the speaker's 
chair, and everybody waited in breathless anxiety. The 
speaker, in the kindliest and gentlest manner, asked him why 
he did not furnish the books the}' asked for containing the 
proceedings of the previous session. He answered promptly 
he "did not have the books; the edition was exhaused and 
there were none." Whether this was strictly true or not, was 
never known, but it avoided a direct conflict between the exec- y 
utive and the legislature, and relieved the situation. The 
legislature soon passed a resolution that whereas the secretary 
of the territor}' had obstinately refused to cooperate with them, 
and had refused to supply the necessary books, documents, 
stationery and printing, making it impossible to conduct the / 
legitimate business, that we adjourn sine die. The governor 
at once issued a proclamation ordering them to meet in extra 
session the next day, January 19th, at Lccompion, "then and 
there to consider and perform such duties as are demanded by 
the necessities of the people." They met again the next day, 
therefore, at Lecompton, elected the same officers, and passed 
the same resolution adjourning to Lawrence. The governor 
again vetoed the resolution, and the legislature again passed 
it over his veto. Here it seems as if the struggle ended, for 
the legislature completed their session at Lawrence without 
any further interference. In these conflicts there was none of 
the bitterness of former times, but everything was good-nat- 
ured, and all parties were on good terms. Governor Medary 
was universally esteemed, and won the respect of all parties 
by his urbanity and fairness. 



158 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

This legislature provided for the Wyandotte convention 
which framed the constitution under which Kansas, a year 
later, entered the union as a state. 

The sessions of the legislature were a God-send to Law- 
rence. After the constant excitement of the free-state strug- 
gle there was a great calm. There came a quietness, which 
like the darkness of Egypt, "could be felt." These meetings 
of the legislature were about the only diversion the people had. 
Even a session of the legislature, however, was a feeble substi- 
tute for one of the free-state conventions. In the exciting 
issues considered, in the ability of the members, and in the high 
tone of the debates, a Kansas legislature bore no comparison 
to a free-state convention. 

A writer who came to Lawrence late in 1857, thus gives his 
impressions of the town. "The town seemed smaller than 
we expected. There were no streets, and no sidewalks, and 
the roads ran helter skelter here and there, across lots, 
between houses, and everywhere as the convenience of drivers 
might dictate. This gave a scattered look to the town, and 
the houses seemed to straggle about on the prairie as if they 
had lost their way on a dark night. There was scarcely a 
fence or a dooryard, scarcely a garden or tree planted in the 
whole town. All this gave a lonesome feeling to the new 
comer." 

But the new comer did not have to remain long before the 
feeling passed away. He soon found that the external ap- 
pearance did not fairly represent the town. He could not 
judge the town by the size or number of the houses. Every 
tenement and shanty, every sod cabin and tent fairly swarmed 
with people. And they were a lively lot and they made a 
lively place. There could not have been less than five 
thousand people in the town, though probably not more than 
half of them would call it their home, and people were com- 
ing and going all the time. They were a remarkably bright 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 1 59 

and intelligent lot of people who had gathered here, full of 
vigor and vim. Among the much smaller population of the 
first winter there were said to be two hundred college grad- 
uates. They had been so constantly in plans of self defense 
that they had no time to show what they could do in the way 
of developing a community, yet they gave some evidence of 
their ability in that line. They had maintained a free public 
school without an}' power to collect taxes or enforce order. 
They had maintained a vigorous and effective military organ- 
ization without any power to enforce military regulations. 
They had an orderly community of various and diverse 
elements, and of all conceivable faiths and notions, without 
any laws or courts to which they could appeal. They had 
maintained all necessary municipal and sanitary regulations, 
without any authority to compel obedience to wholesome 
rules. There were no taxes and all public expenses were met 
by voluntary subscriptions. The schools were maintained 
and made free to all children. The voluntary city organi- 
zation of 1857, for whose suppression Governor Walker 
ordered out the army of the United States, confined itself 
to suggestions without any pretense of power to enforce. 
Its suggestions, however, were quietly acquiesced in, the 
streets kept clean and the back ways clear. It effected all it 
was intended for, and yet did it so unobtrusively, that four 
hundred soldiers sent here for that purpose, could find noth- 
ing that indicated the setting up of an independent city 
government. 

When the free-state people gained control of the territorial 
legislature, one of the first things considered was a charter 
for Lawrence. February nth, 1858, a bill was passed by 
both houses to that effect. February 20th, the charter was 
accepted. The following city officers were elected: Mayor, 
C. W. Babcock; councilmen, Robert Morrow, P. R. Brooks, 
E. S. Lowman, L. C. Tolles, John G. Haskell, M. Hartman, 



l6o A HISTORY OF I.AWRF.NCE. 

Henry Shanklin, A. J. Totten. S. W. Eldridge, A. H. Mallory, 
L. Bullene, F. A. Bailey; city marshal, Joseph Cracklin; 
treasurer, Wesley H. Duncan, clerk, Caleb S. Pratt; school 
trustees, J. M. Coe, B. Johnson. T. Dwight Thacher, Albert 
Newman. Lawrence now had a city government, anti regular 
courts and laws, i and could do under legal sanctions and by 
legal constraints, what she had already been doing by volun- 
tary concession. 





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SA^!t EI, RE^■NULUS. JOHN ROSS. 

EAKLY KANSAS SETTLERS. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Lawrence in 1858. — The Ebb of the Tide. — Spring Immigra- 
tion WHICH Failed to Come. — The Underground Rail- 
road. — Progress in Building. — In Churches. — Temper- 
ance IN Lawrence. — The Drouth of i860. — The Last 
Territorial Legislature. — Kansas Admitted into the 
Union. — A Free State. 

The year 1858 was the reverse of 1857. In the favorite 
words of Governor Geary, "the benign influences of peace 
had been restored to the country." But the benign influences 
of peace had a different effect from what many people expect- 
ed. For three years Kansas had been the observed of all 
observers. All eyes were turned towards her, and many feet 
also turned their steps her way. Notwithstanding the diffi- 
culties of travel, and the hindrances thrown in the way, and 
the disturbances in the territory itself, immigrants came from 
every quarter and in every conceivable manner. When peace 
and quiet came and the slavery question was settled, the 
people expected that this would not only continue, but 
increase. If people came to Kansas in such crowds when 
there were so many hindrances and so much peril, they w ould 
come in still greater crowds when the hindrances were 
removed and the perils had ceased. As times were lively in 
1857, they expected still more lively times in 1858. But 
they were mistaken as to the spirit of the north, and as 
to the causes which gave Kansas her prominence. Her 
troubles and her perils gave her the prominence she enjoyed, 
and drew towards her such crowds of immigrants. They came 
at the call of an idea; at the call of freedom. The greater 
the obstacles the more they came. But now the conflict was 
over and the question was settled, immigration instead of 
increasing, almost ceased. Many who had come were com- 
11 



1 62 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

pelled to go back. There was nothing to prevent their return- 
ing. For the next three years probably as many left as came. 
The result therefore w^hich followed the disturbances was a 
more complete quiet than most of the people cared to see. 
A general business depression throughout the country in- 
creased the depression in Kansas. 

It began to be dull in the autumn of 1857, but people said 
that "Spring immigration would brignten things up." But 
spring immigration did not come. All things were read}^, but 
the immigrant failed to fulfil his engagement. Land agents 
sat in their offices as of old, and their maps and diagrams 
hung around the walls, but no one came to enquire the 
price of lots, or if any came it was some one who wished 
to sell and not some one who wished to buy. Merchants 
stood behind their counters with large stocks of goods about 
them, but the customer did not appear. The next three years 
were dull ones, as dull as the preceeding three years had been 
lively. The people were very slow to understand what had 
happened. They clung to a hope of a return of the former 
days, but those days never came back. For a time property 
was still high, but nobody wanted to buy; money was still 
held at high rates, but nobody wanted to borrow. Gradually 
even this found its level, as it always does, and a very low 
level it proved to be. In real estate and other lines of busi- 
ness the final purchaser had been found, and he was left to 
hold his purchase. The fortunes gathered in a day dissolved 
in a night, and men worth vast fortunes in cit}'' lots were bor- 
rowing money to pay their board. In the spring of 1859, 
quite a number of the enterprising young men of Lawrence, 
growing weary of waiting for the tardy immigrant, concluded 
to turn emigrants themselves. They started over the plains 
for "Pike's Peak, " and were the inaugurators of the move- 
ment which brought Colorado in such prominence. 

These years, however, were not destitute of exciting inci- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 63 

dents. Januar}' 20, 1859, John Brown spent a night in Law- 
rence as he was leading eleven slaves to Canada and freedom. 
It was John Brown's last appearance in Kansas. In October 
of that year he made his attack on Harper's Ferry, and De- 
cember 2, i860, was hanged by the authorities of the state of 
\'irginia. During the winter of 1859, John Doy and his son,, 
Charles Doy, led a company of slaves through Lawrence 
northward. The whole party was captured twelve miles from 
Lawrence and imprisoned at Weston. Doy and his son were 
afterwards taken to St. Joseph for trial. At a large public 
meeting in Lawrence funds were raised to assist in their de- 
fense at the trial of their case in June. Ex-Governor Shannon 
was secured as one of the lawyers for the defense. The 
trial was reported for the eastern and other papers by such 
correspondents as A. D. Richardson, Henry Villard, and D. 
W. Wilder. After a tedious trial the son was released, and 
Doy himself was sentenced to five years imprisonment. Be- 
fore he was taken from the St. Joseph jail to the state prison, 
he was liberated one night and came back to Lawrence, where 
he remained unmolested. Nobody ever exactly knew who 
did the liberating. 

Lawrence had the reputation in Missouri of being one of 
the stations on the underground railroad. In a certain sense 
perhaps she deserved that reputation. Most of her people 
had no sympathy with any attempt to stir up insurrection 
among the slaves, or to entice them from their masters. But 
they hated human slavery and believed in every man's right 
to freedom. They would never consent that any man should 
be taken back to slavery who came to them in his effort to be 
free. There is no doubt that a good many slaves, fleeing 
from bondage, made their way to Lawrence, and there were 
aided on their journey towards Canada. Not many of the 
people knew anything about this, but there were a few to 
whom such fugitives always went and were never betrayed. 



164 A HISTORY OK LAWRENCE 

But the sympathy of the people ^vas with every one wlio was 
struggling for freedom. The town was founded in opposition 
to slavery., and it could not be otherwise than antagonistic to 
xthe right of property in man. 

This matter is alluded to here because some have sought to 
create an opposite impression. A recent writer on Kansas 
has said that "it is a significant fact, which forcibly illustrates 
the absence of any general or radical sentiment of abolition 
in Kansas, that so late as the year 1S5S J//sso////a//s hired out 
slavts at Laivrittic, received their wages, and nobody made objec- 
tion." The italics are our own. Anyone who lived in Law- 
rence in 1858 would know that such a thing as this could not 
possibly be. Neither at that time nor any other, could a 
slave be held in Lav.rence against his will, by owner or renter. 
If such a thing was ever done, it was with the mutual consent 
of all parties — owner, slave and renter. The writer of this 
knew of a slave who was in Lawrence a large portion of the 
year 1859. She was employed as a domestic in various fami- 
lies, but her wages were paid to her and not to her master. 
Late in the autumn her master offered a large reward for her 
arrest and return. It was decided to make a test case of it, 
and show that a slave could be taken from Lawrence and re- 
turned to slaveiy in INIissouri. The United States marshal, 
with deputies and detectives, came stealthily to Lawrence, 
and set themselves to work to locate and capture this woman. 
They remained two days. There was no resistence offered, 
but they did not capture the woman, and presumably did not 
get the reward. So far as known, no slaves were ever taken 
from Lawrence and carried back to slavery. The Lawrence 
people were moderate in their views, but they were decided. 
In the way of material improvements there had been a good 
deal of advance. By far the finest building erected was the 
Eldridge House, which took the place of the Free-State 
Hotel destroyed by Sheriff Jones, May 21st, 1856. After the 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHELLFON, 1 65 

destruction of the old hotel nothing was done toward rebuild- 
ing for a year. In the spring of 1857 Colonel S. W. Eldridge 
and his brother began to rebuild the house or rather to build 
another on the same site. It was of brick, four stories high, 
extending one hundred feet on the east front and one hundred 
and seventeen feet on the north front. It was handsomely 
built and furnished elegantly, and was the finest hotel Law- 
rence has ever had. It was said to have cost $80,000. It was 
kept in a style befitting the building. Several other substan- 
tial brick buildings were begun on Massachusetts street 
during the year 1857, and completed in the year following. 

There had been considerable progress in the line of church 
work during this period. The Unitarians appealed to their 
friends at the east, and by the personal efforts of Rev. 
Ephraim Nute and Mr. E. B. Whitman they secured $5,700 
for a church edifice. The}' began to build in 1856, but were 
hindered by various things, and the house was not ready for 
occupancy until the spring of 1857. The building was of 
stone of good size, with basement rooms for school purposes. 
Their eastern friends also gave them a bell and a town clock. 
The bell was suspended on a temporary frame for many years 
and was used for a school bell as well as a church bell. The 
bell was of very fine tone. The clock and bell were after- 
wards purchased for the city schools, and are now in use 
on the city high school. About 1858 Mr. Nute resigned and 
on the breaking out of the war entered the army as a chap- 
lain. Rev. John S. Brown became pastor of the church. 

The Congregational Church also erected a house of worship 
during this period. This church had a varied experience. 
It was the first church formed in Lawrence; formed before 
there was a house built. Deacon Franklin Haskell of this 
church made the first public prayer offered upon the Law- 
rence town site. Rev. S. Y. Lum, the pastor, preached the 
first sermon. When the Kansas question began to loom up 



1 66 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Mr. Lum was pastor of a delightful church at Middletown, 
New York. He was a man of thorough education and good 
abilitv. His wife had been tenderly reared, her father being 
a wealthy merchant of New York city. As soon as interest 
in Kansas began to take form. Mr. Lum resigned his pastor- 
ate at Middletown and asked the American Home Missionary 
Society to send him to Kansas. In a few weeks he was on 
his way, with his wife and two little children, and a young 
lady, a member of the family. They arrived in Lawrence about 
the same time as the second Boston party, and Mr. Lum began 
at once the work for which he came. He built the first frame 
house in Lawrence. It was built of '• shakes," and was so 
open that in winter water froze close by a hot stove, and the 
snow sifted over them at night as they slept. !Mr. Lum had 
some rough experiences with the border ruffians. They stole 
a span of horses from him, and at another time assaulted him 
and threatened to hang him. 

The church had as rough a time as the pastor. It was 
organized in a '-hay tent," and worshiped in private rooms, 
in hotels, in shops or public offices as it could. At one time 
thev met in a little room heated by a stove whose hot pipe 
ran close by the preachers head. At another time they met 
in a small building, boarded up and down and intended for 
battens. But the battens had been omitted, and chacks 
supplied their place. During the disturbances of 1855 and 
1856 they could have no regular services. They met as they 
were able. Often the men were called out during service to 
join in the defense of the town. Often, also, they were away 
on duty during church hours and only the women and chil- 
dren could meet. The necessity for a house of worship 
became very urgent. In the summer of 1S55. the pastor, 
and after him, Mr. S. N. Simpson, went east to solicit aid in 
building a church. They met with a very liberal response, 
and secured some four thousand dollars. With this aid the 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 167 

church built a substantial stone edifice on the corner of Lou- 
isiana and Pinckney streets. The house was forty feet wide 
by sikty-five feet long. The difficulty of getting material 
delayed the work, and it was not until the summer of 1857 
that the building was enclosed and occupied. In the spring 
of 1857 Mr. Lum was compelled to resign on account of his 
health. The American Home Missionary Society appointed 
him as its first superintendent of missions for Kansas. In 
the autumn of 1857, the present pastor, having just graduated 
from the -Theological Seminar^' at Andover, Massachusetts, 
became pastor of the church. "Having obtained help of 
God, he continues until this day." 

The Methodist Church had also grown. Organized under 
a tree, they lived in tents and private houses until the fall of 
1858, when they erected a frame building on Vermont street. 
The building was not large, but it was comfortable, and, be- 
ing near the business center of the town, was ver}^ useful in a 
general way as well as in the work of the church. Under the 
earnest lead of "Father Dennis " revivals were enjoyed and 
the church attained a good degree of strength. The church 
building still stands and is used as a private residence. 

The Baptist Church did not attempt to build, but lived 
more than "two years in their own hired hall." They were 
an earnest band of Christians and did good work. They con- 
tinued in rented rooms until they became strong enough to 
build the elegant house of worship which they now occupy. 

The Presbyterian Church was formed in 1858. There was 
a number of Presbyterian families in the place, and still more 
in the country near by. In the summer of 1858 Rev. William 
Wilson, of Lecompton, commenced holding afternoon services 
in the Congregational Church, coming down after his Sabbath 
morning service at Lecompton. In a few weeks a Presbyter- 
ian Church of twenty-five was organized, and regular services 
established in Miller's hall. Mr. Wilson having other work, 



1 68 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

now urged the church to look for a permanent pastor. Soon 
after its organization, therefore, the cliurch secured as pastor 
Rev. William Bishop, who now resides at Salina. Dr. Bishop 
was born in Scotland, but came to America in his ninth year. 
He is a graduate of Illinois college and Princeton theological 
seminar}'. He served as tutor in Greek in his alma mater for 
two years, and was professor of Greek in Hanover college, 
Indiana, from 1852 until 1858, when he came to Lawrence. 
He was strong in logic and scholarh' in his tastes, a forcible 
writer and a fluent speaker. In his ministr}' of three years 
the church increased nearty four-fold. In i860 Mr. Bishop 
resigned and w^ent with Colonel William A. Phillips to Salin^ 
where he assisted in developing the town and forming a 
church, and where he still resides. The church at Lawrence 
continued to worship in rented houses until they built their 
present stone edifice on the corner of Vermont and Warren 
streets. 

The Episcopal Church was also formed in 1858 under the 
lead of Rev. Charles Reynolds, afterwards a chaplain in the 
United States army. Mr. Reynolds was born in England and 
came to this country in his thirteenth year. He graduated at 
the Protestant Episcopal seminary in New York in 1846, and 
was settled over a church in Brooklyn. In 1855 he became 
rector of Trinit}- Church, Columbus, Ohio, and had for his 
parishoners such men as Salmon P. Chase. He was a man 
of fine presence and great executive force, and of high char- 
acter. He remained in Lawrence five years, and during his 
ministry here he thoroughly organized the parish and built the 
main part of the unique and beautiful chapel which still stands 
upon the grounds of the church. He also secured a rectory 
for the parish. He resigned about 1863 to enter the army as 
a chaplain, and continued in that service the remainder of his 
life. 

It has often been noticed that reforms go in groups, and the 





MRS. II. M. SIMl'SnN. MKS. <;o\'. IH.AS. KUKINSON. 

WOMEN WHO IJlilJ'lCD TO MAKE KANSAS FKKK. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 69 

ardent friends of one reform are usually the friends of all re- 
forms. So it happened that the early settlers of Lawrence 
were also friends of temperance. Almost without exception 
they were not only abstainers themselves, but ardent oppon- 
ents of the liquor traffic. Nearly all the leading men were 
earnest advocates of temperance. A few daj^s after the first 
immigrants arrived, the town company adopted unanimously 
the principles of the Maine law, and it was expressed in all 
deeds given that liquor should not be sold upon the lots de- 
fined therein. In July 1855 a prohibitory liquor law was sub- 
mitted to a vote of the people and was adopted by a vote of 
seventy-four to one. In the disturbances that followed the 
matter was overlooked, and some tippling shops were opened. 
In the summer of 1856 meetings were held to arouse public 
interest, and then the women took the matter in hand. They 
first tried to buy the stock of liquor and thus close up the 
business. When this was found impossible, they took the 
hatchet and poured all the liquor they could find into the 
streets. After this there was no selling for some time. But 
as the town grew, wild and restless spirits came in, and several 
saloons were kept in full blast. At last the w^omen undertook 
the work again, and in January 1857 forty of them visited 
every saloon in the town and persuaded their owners all to 
close them. In some cases they used moral suasion, in other 
cases they used another kind of argument. But in every case 
they won the battle and closed the saloon. The women had 
the sympathy of most of the men. The friends of temperance 
then met and organized a vigilance committee to keep out the 
sale of liquor from Lawrence. For a long time after this the 
town had a rest and was free from saloons. There has never 
been lacking in Lawrence something of the same spirit which 
manifested itself in those early days. 

The part taken by the women of Lawrence in the temperance 
cause was only characteristic of them in all lines. They came to 



I JO A HISTORY OF I AWRENCE 

Kansas with a tull vinderstamliiiii of what they liad to moot, and 
with a full dotorniination to endure their share of tlie burden 
and do tlieir share of the work. In all the excitement of 
those troubulous years there is no record of a woman wlio 
deserted her post. When the men were on duty the women were 
providing" rations. When the men wore in the trenches with 
their guns, the women were making bullets for them at home. 
As has been narrated, when ammunition failed, two women 
boldly rode through the besiegers lines and brought in a new 
supply. Often and often were they left in lonely cabins on 
the prairie, while their husbands were on the march or in the 
camp. If any should think that they were of the kind who 
take naturally to scenes like these they are very much mis- 
taken. The women of Lawrence were womanly. They had 
been tenderly reared in cultured homes, and were as modest 
and retiring as any that could be found. The}* simply had 
strong convictions, and devoted their lives to their mainte- 
nance. If the pilgrim mothers deserve equal praise with the 
pilgrim fathers, the women of Lawrence, and of Kansas, de- 
serve equal praise with the men of Lawrence and of Kansas. 
In iS6o there came what has ever since been known as 
"the drouth." There have been other dry seasons, but this 
was preeminently '-the drouth." It needs no descriptive 
adjectives, and no date, to make anv old Kansan know what 
is meant. He never uses any adjective in speaking of it. any 
more than he would use an adjective in speaking of the flood. 
Since then dry spells have destroyed this crop and that. 
sometimes at one end of the season and sometimes at the 
other. But this drouth of iS6o swept the calender. It com- 
menced in September 1859, and continued until October i860, 
a period of thirteen months. I am not able to say what the 
rainfall of this period was. The annual rainfall reported at 
Fort Riley for i860 was seventeen inches,. about one-half of 
the usual amount. But that report includes the rain that fell 



TO THE CLOSK OF THE RKBELUON. I7I 

in the autumn of that year after the drouth was broken. 
Durin^^ the whole period there was not a shower that wet the 
earth more than two inches deep, and very few that did more 
than lay the dust. There was a little snow in the winter, but 
it evaporated as it melted. In April the ground was dry as 
ashes. Seeds sown in the garden did not even come up in 
many cases, and in some cases came up the next spring, hale 
and hearty. On the rich bottom lands below Lawrence, and 
a few other favored spots, there was a little corn grown in 
fields that were sown early and well cared for. But over the 
country generally there were thousands of acres from which 
not an ear was gathered. The prairie grass, which other 
years often produces two tons of good hay to the acre, was 
scarcely two inches high, and it was dried to a crisp. On 
some low spots near the streams, where the grass often grows 
ten feet high, a little hay could be gathered. Two brothers, 
farmers just west of Lav/rence, went about the country with 
team and tools, and gathered up bits of grass here and there 
as they could find it, and had all the hay they needed. But 
those less enterprising were as destitute of hay as they were — 
of corn. The streams and wells mostly went dry, and farmers 
were compelled to haul water for miles for their cattle. The 
Wakarusa river had pools of water along its course in deep 
and sheltered places, but there was no stream, whatever, run- 
ning in the channel. The writer of this drove from Wyan- 
dotte to Lawrence in July on the south side of the Kansas 
river. For twenty-five miles he could not buy or beg a pail ^ 
of water tor his horse. At one farm house after another he 
was refused. There was no unkindness in it, but the people 
had not the water to spare for travelers' horses. During this 
summer the sun poured down its burning rays day after day, 
and the hot winds seemed like the breath of a hot furnace. 

As the autumn came the question pressed "what must the 
people do?" Most of them were new-comers and had no -^ 



172 A HISTORY OF LAWREN'CE 

accumulated stores. A great many left the country. It is 
said that thirty thousand people, one-third of the population, 
left the territory. As many more would be compelled to leave 
unless they could have relief. They would thus have to 
abandon all they had done and all they had gained. It would 
throw the country back several years. Under the lead of 
General S. C. Pomero}' and other far-seeing men, appeal 
was made to the more fortunate sections, and a very liberal 
response was given. From Illinois and other prosperous 
states, large quantities of corn and other provisions were sent, 
which were distributed among the people. Thus thousands 
were enabled to remain who would otherwise have been 
compelled to abandon their farms and their homes and lose 
all they had gathered. It was feared there would be a great 
loss in stock as there was no hay and no feed. But the short 
prairie grass, dried in the rainless air, was cured on the 
ground like hay. Until the snow came in January, 1861, 
cattle kept in good condition, running at large on the prairie. 
They were very lean and weak in the spring, but most of the 
stock came through the winter alive. 

There was less distress about Lawrence than in newer 
sections. The country was older and the farmers were better 
fixed. But even here very many farmers would have suffered 
but for the timely aid rendered them. 

The territorial legislature met for the last time January 7th, 
1 861. The usual order was followed, and they met in Lecomp- 
ton and adjourned to Lawrence. They did not do much except 
wait the tardy action of congress in admitting Kansas into the 
imion. The Wyandotte constitution had been framed and 
ratified more than a year before. It had been presented to 
congress the preceding April, and had passed the house April 
nth, i860. In the senate it hung fire for months, being 
opposed by the administration and the entire force of its 
party. But a great change had come over the country. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 75 

Lincoln had been elected president, and the southern states 
began to secede, one state after another. January 21st, 1861, 
the senators for Alabama, Mississippi and Florida withdrew 
from the senate to go with their states which had seceded. 
William H. Seward at once moved to take up the Kansas 
bill, and the bill was passed. The house immediatel}^ accepted 
the senate amendments, and the bill went to the president. 
Mr. Buchanan signed it and Kansas became a state January 
29th, 1 86 1. The news was received at Lawrence with un- 
bounded delight. In his speech on the Wyandotte conven- 
tion at the quarter centennial of the admission of Kansas, 
Hon. B. F. Simpson describes the scene. 

"I well remember the earlier part of the night of January 
2gth, 1 86 1. 1 was at the Eldridge House in Lawrence, a 
member of the last territorial legislature that was holding its 
session in that dearly beloved free-state city. There was 
from three to four inches of snow on the ground * * * and 
the night was windy and cold. It must have been as late as 
nine o'clock when D. R. Anthony came into the hotel with a 
sturdy stride and flashing eyes, and told us that the president 
of the United States had that day signed the bill admitting 
Kansas into the union. He brought Avith him and scattered 
around extras of a newspaper published at Leavenworth 
called The Conservative, announcing the joyful tidings in 
flaming headlines. * * * There was a sound of revelry 
that night in Lawrence, for the news spread like wildfire 
through the town. Houses were lighted, doors were thrown 
open, and the people gathered in public places. Old Sacra- 
mento was taken from his resting place and emphasized with 
hoarse throat the good tidings." 

The rejoicing was universal and sincere. Kansas had good 
reason to rejoice in the new order. The territorial condition 
had proved a hard one to her, and admission into the union 
was her deliverance from oppression. The rejoicings however 



174 ^ HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

were moderated by the thought that she came into the union, 
just as the union seemed to be going to pieces. But she 
believed in the union, and believed it would be maintained, 
and was ready to help maintain it whenever her help was 
called for. 

The territorial authorities now gave way to the state 
authorities. Very appropriately Charles Robinson, who had 
led the free-state cause with such consummate wisdom, became 
the first governor of the new commonwealth. As often 
happens, the political importance of Lawrence was to decline 
with the success of the cause for which she had stood so long, 
and for which she had suffered so much. Up to this time she 
had been the center of all public interest. She might be 
called the capital of the free-state party, and now the free- 
state party was co-extensive with Kansas. After the free- 
state people secured control of the legislature Lawrence was 
"de facto" the capital of the territory, though legally Le- 
compton still held that distinction. The new constitution 
under which Kansas now was to live, provided that the legis- 
lature should hold its first session at Topeka. This legisla- 
ture passed a bill submitting the question of the permanent 
capital to a vote of the people. That vote was taken Novem- 
ber 5th, 1 86 1. Lawrence and Topeka were the two com- 
petitors. In the election, Lawrence received 5,291 votes and 
Topeka received 7,996 votes. Thus Topeka became the 
capital of the state. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Beginning of the Civil War. — Exposed Condition of 
Kansas. — Her Interest in the Conflict. — The First 
Enlistments. — The Battle of Wilson's Creek. — The 
Contrabands. — Lawrence in Close Touch with the 
Soldiers. 

The old saying is, "If it is not one thing it is another." 
The drought had passed away and plenty had returned; the 
territorial struggle had ended in victory and Kansas was a 
free state. Now new troubles confronted the long disturbed 
community. The war of the rebellion broke out and the 
whole nation was in arms. One by one the southern states 
had seceded after the election of Mr. Lincoln as president, 
and the confederate states had set up a government of their 
own. So far no collision had occurred. But on April 12, 
1 861, the confederate troops opened fire on Fort Sumpter, in 
Charleston harbor, occupied by a small garrison of United 
States troops. It was a small affair in itself — an unimportant 
fort in a southern harbor, occupied by a small garrison of 
United States troops, fired upon by confederate batteries and 
compelled to surrender. But it meant that the seceding 
states had cast off the federal authority, and intended to 
maintain their separation at any cost. The federal goverment 
must either abandon all claim over the seceding states or re- 
sent the attack. The whole country was ablaze in an instant. 
It was the overt act for which events had been waiting, and for 
which both sides had been holding their breath. Everybody 
had known it was coming in some form or other and were 
wondering when and where it would be. They knew the 
explosion could not be long delayed. The southern states 
had seceded, organized a government and equipped an army, 
and were everywhere contesting the authority of the United 



176 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

States. Such a condition of "things could not continue long. 
When a collision came, it would not cease till the question 
was settled, "B3'\vhat authority doest thou these things?" 
The clash of arms occurred in Charleston harbor, but the 
shock was felt to the remotest limits of the union. A bugle 
call in a military camp could hardly have brought an army to 
its feet more promptly than the firing on Sumpter brought the 
nation to its feet. Three days after, April 15th, President 
Lincoln issued his call for seventy-five thousand volunteers, 
and in three days more than sevent3'-five thousand volunteers 
were on the march. Of this great uprising at the north, 
James G. Blaine says, in his "Twenty Years in the United 
States Senate," "The proclamation was responded to in the 
loyal states with an unparalleled burst of enthusiasm. On 
the day of its issue hundreds of public meetings were held 
from the eastern borders of Maine to the extreme western 
frontier. Work was suspended on farm and in factory, and 
the whole people was roused to patriotic ardor, and to a 
determination to subdue the rebellion." Soon after the call 
for seventy-five thousand troops, another call was issued for 

"Three hundred thousand more." 
The whole country, which for forty years had not heard the 
sound of war, was transformed as by magic into one great 
martial camp. 

The position of Kansas was peculiar and critical. She was 
a small community, isolated from her sympathizing sister 
states, so isolated indeed that in 1856 she had been almost 
entirely cut off from communication with her friends. And if 
this could be done in a time of peace, what might not be done 
in a time of war ? The rich and powerful state of Missouri 
lay on her eastern border. Missouri was a doubtful state. 
She had a large slave population and the most violent pro- 
slavery sentiment anywhere to be found. Her governor was 
Claiborne F. Jackson who led the body of Missourians who l- 





FKEU \V KliAU COL. S. \V. ELURIDGE 

PIONEER BUSINESS MEN IN LAWRENCE. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 77 

invaded Lawrence at the election March 30, 1855, and took 
possession of the polls and elected " the bogus legislature. " 
The commander of her militia was Sterling Price, who became 
one of the ablest and most noted of the confederate generals. 
February 28, 1861, a state convention was called to consider 
whether Missouri should remain in the union or go with the 
confederacy. Sterling Price was president of the convention, 
and he and Governor Jackson used all their influence in favor 
of secession. The convention, however, decided to remain in 
the union. In spite of the convention, Governor Jackson and 
General Price did all in their power to carry the state over 
to the confederacy, and they would have succeeded but for the 
prompt action of General Lyon at St. Louis and Jefferson 
City. The disloyal feeling was especially strong along the 
western border, or more properly in the western half of the 
state. It was from this section that the expeditions had been 
fitted up to invade Kansas during the border conflict. As war 
became iminent it was a general feeling that Missouri would 
be hostile ground, as far as Kansas was concerned at least. 
Kansas would be exposed to all the dangers of a hostile 
frontier. She would be subjected to all the horrors of a 
border warfare, unrestrained even by the pretense of law and 
order. 

But there was no flinching. The people of Kansas regarded 
the war as the inevitable sequence of the events which had 
preceded it. It was only a continuation and extension of the 
struggle which had been going on in Kansas for six years. 
It was simply bringing to a focus conditions which had long 
existed and which could have but one issue. 

Lawrence was in peculiar peril because peculiarly exposed. 
She was only forty miles from the Missouri border, and was 
the center of "border ruffian" hate. And the border ruf- 
fians lived "just across the border." Three times they had 
marched upon her witli threats of destruction. Twice they 

12 



178 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

had been thwarted by the superior diplomacy of the free-state 
leaders. And when they entered Lawrence and ransacked 
the town, May 21, 1856, the affair reacted to their discomfiture 
and shame worse than defeat. In that turbulent time there 
were many wrongs done on both sides, and many deep 
personal animosities created. The rancor of the early struggle 
had not lost any of its violence by being thwarted in its pur- 
pose. All knew that it only wanted an opportunity to 
accomplish what it had attempted so often and had been so 
often repulsed. The people felt from the first that they were 
exposed not only to the fortunes of legitimate warfare, but to 
the irregular and barbarous inroads of the old foe. 

The people of Lawrence had also a peculiar interest in the 
conflict from another point of view. Some one has said that 
"When a man fights a bear it is not simply a question which 
shall whip, but whether the man shall become bear or the 
bear shall become man; for whichever whips will eat the 
other." Kansas was much in the same position. She would 
almost necessarily go with the victors. If the confederacy 
won she would claim Missouri, and Kansas could hardly 
stand alone. 

The Kansas people, therefore, .threw themselves into the 
conflict with a unanimity that was hardly possible anywhere 
else. The population of Kansas in i860 was only 107,206. 
Out of this population 22,000 men enlisted in the Union army. 
This would be about equivalent to her entire voting popula- 
tion. Twenty-two regiments entered the service. Lawrence 
was not behind her sister towns in enthusiasm and enlist- 
ments. It is not easy to learn the number of men who went 
into the army from Lawrence. There were not many of the 
twenty-two regiments which did not contain Lawrence men. 
The largest number probably enlisted in the first regiment. 
In this regiment a number of her most noted men were found. 
They had been prominent in the early struggle, and were 



TO THE CLOSK OF THE REBELLION. 1 79 

prompt to offer themselves for service in tlie larger conflict 
which had grown out of it. The colonel of the first regiment 
was George W. Deitzler, whose council and courage had so 
often availed before. In the very beginning of the border 
ruffian troubles, when it was necessary to secure arms from 
the East, he was sent on the secret and delicate mission. He 
was a member of the committee of safety, and in many rela- 
tions proved himself a brave and reliable man. He was 
arrested for high treason, and, with other free-state men, lay 
for several months in the prison camp near Lecompton. 
When President Lincoln called for troops he offered himself 
at once and was placed in command of the first regiment of 
Kansas volunteers. He led his regiment with great valor at 
the battle of Wilson's creek a few weeks after their enlist- 
ment, and was severely wounded in the fight. He was after- 
wards promoted to the rank of brigadier general, and served 
with credit until the close of the war. O. E. Learnard was 
Lieutenant Colonel of the first regiment and served with dis- 
tinction in Tennessee and Mississippi. He was much of the 
time in command of the regiment. 

Samuel Walker was also in this first regiment. In fact 
he raised the first company, and was appointed captain of it. 
Most of the men of this company were from Lawrence. He had 
been the most trusted of all the early military leaders in 1855 
and 1856. He first organized his neighbors for defense, and 
soon became a general leader. He led at Fort- Saunders and 
Fort Titus, and many other of the early conflicts. When the 
war broke out he very naturally entered the larger army for 
wider service. In the battle of Wilson's creek he was in the 
thick of the fight, but though his hat and clothes were riddled 
with bullets, he came through without a scratch. He was 
promoted afterwards to major, then colonel, and continued in 
the service till the war closed. Frank B. Swift, who had been 
captain of the Stubbs, became also a captain in this first reg- 



l8o A HISTORY OF LAWRENXE 

iment. Caleb S. Pratt, the clerk of the city of Lawrence, 
became a lieutenant, and was killed in the battle of Wilson's 
creek. Lawrence, perhaps, was more closely concerned in 
this regiment than any other on account of the number of 
Lawrence men in the ranks. 

When the first regiment was called for almost enough men 
offered themselves for two regiments. As the first regiment 
was mustered in, a second regiment was filled up and organ- 
ized and lay at Lawrence two weeks before they knew that 
they would be accepted. The}'^ were finally mustered in 
June 2oth, 1861, and they marched at once to the front, and in 
a month or so were engaged in the desperate battle of Wil- 
son's creek. This regiment also contained a large number of 
Lawrence men. Edward D. Thompson. Shaler W. Eldridge 
were field officers, while Joseph Cracklin, Thomas J. Stern- 
bergh, Warren Kimball were officers in companies. 

To attempt to name all the Lawrence men who entered the 
United States service from first to last would be almost the 
same as giving a directory of the city. Even those who served 
as officers would make a long list. Among the names that 
would come at once to mind are John G. Haskell and his 
brother Dudley C. Haskell, Wm. A. Rankin and John K. 
Rankin, Charles W. Adams, Owen A. Bassett, James 
Christian, George F. Earl, A. D. Searle, Arthur Gunther, 
L. S. Shaw, Oliver Barber, Hugh Cameron, H. L. Moore, 
W. C. Barnes, John Pratt, Charles F. Garrett, and 
many others, who served as officers of different degrees. 
James H. Lane was commissioned as brigadier general early 
in the war, and led a brigade in Missouri at such intervals as 
he could be absent from his seat in the senate. At least four 
of the Lawrence pastors served as chaplains: Rev. Ephraim 
Nute, of the Unitarian Church, in the first rt-giment; Rev. R. 
C. Brant, of the Baptist Church, in the second; Rev. Charles 
Reynolds, of the Episcopal Church, in th© second cavalry. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REHEI-LION. lOI 

and Rev. H. D. Fisher, of the Methodist Church, in the fifth 
regiment. 

Of all the battles of the war Lawrence was perhaps more 
interested in that at Wilson's creek August lo, 1861. The 
second regiment had been mustered in onl}- about a month 
when they were thrown into this terriffic contest, which, con- 
sidering the number engaged, was one of the most stubbornly 
contested battles of the whole war. It was also a pivotal 
event in the progress of the war in the West, and Lawrence, 
and Kansas, watched the result with very deep concern. It 
had long been known that a large force of rebels were march- 
ing northward to recover the ground they had lost in Missouri. 
The deposed governor of the state, Claibore F. Jackson, had 
been driven out of his capital by General Lyon, and was 
coming with a large army from Arkansas, hoping to recover 
his office. The fate of Missouri and Kansas might turn on 
the issue of that battle. There w^ere no regular lines of com- 
munication, and it was several days before full particulars 
could be obtained in Lawrence, and the3Mvere da3^s of anxiety, 
both for the fate of the men engaged, and the tremendous 
issues at stake. A letter wTitten August 13th by a citizen of 
Lawrence to a friend in Massachusetts, shows something of 
the state of mind the people were in: 

"We have reports today of a battle near Springfield, Mis- 
souri, in which General Lyon is killed, but his army victori- 
ous. The rebel account, however, says his ami}' is defeated. 
It is impossible to get reliable information. We await the 
result with great anxiety: for if the federal troops are driven 
from Missouri we shall very likely all be compelled to leave 
the country. Whether we can sta}' here or not may turn on 
the issue of this battle. If the confederacy gets control of 
Missouri it may carr}' Kansas with her. In that case the peo- 
ple that are here now will not be able to remain." 

The final reports showed that the battle had been so 



1 82 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

desperately contested that the rebel advance was checked, 
and Lyon's forces fell back to their base of supplies at 
Rolla. 

Lawrence felt the throb of the war in many ways. Bodies 
of troops were almost constantly passing through on their 
way to battle fields further down. They often stopped on 
their march and camped for several days. At one time two 
regiments, fresh from home, lay encamped for several weeks 
just above the town, waiting to be ordered to the front. They 
were a noble lot of men, and tke citizens became very warmly 
attached to them, and followed them with deep interest when 
they went. Sometimes the flow was the other wa}'. Once 
word was sent that a large number of sick and wounded 
soldiers from the battle fields of Arkansas and southwest 
Missouri were coming to us. All the vacant rooms that 
could be secured were put to use for hospital service, and 
ladies volunteered to assist in nursing the poor fellows. 
Everything possible was done to make them comfortable, and 
to restore them to health and their country. Quite frequently 
union refugees from the south came to Lawrence and remained 
till it was safe to return to their homes. 

The most unique movement caused by the war was the 
influx into Lawrence of negroes escaping from slavery. They 
began to come as soon as the war opened. At first it was 
only now and then one more energetic and enterprising than 
the rest. But they kept coming thicker and faster until they 
were coming by scores. The movement was doubtless accel- 
erated by the measures taken by slaveholders to prevent it. 
Among other things they began selling their slaves down 
south where they would have no hope of escape. There was 
no horror in the negro mind more dreaded than being "sold 
down south" into the gulf states. It was hopeless bondage 
there. The news soon spread that the slaves w-ere being sold 
down south. One man came to Lawrence whose wife had 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 1 83 

been sold down into Alabama. He was to be sold also and 
to be sent in another direction. He took a direction of his 
own without consulting his master. 

This same thing was occurring all along the border of the 
free states. Wherever union soldiers were stationed, slaves 
would escape from their masters and run into camp. They 
had the most implicit faith in " Massa Lincoln," and most 
thoroughly believed that the war was for their liberation. 
They knew, as everybody did, that it had grown out of 
slavery. But their coming into the union lines raised a 
difficult question, and some of the tender-footed generals were 
at a loss what to do. Slavery had not been abolished, and 
the fugitive slave law had not been repealed. The owners of 
these slaves came into camp, claimed to be union men, and 
demanded the return of their slaves. What must be done? 
The war had not changed the law. Yet these negroes were 
enthusiastic for the union and loved the flag. It seemed 
cruel and absurd to send such men back to the enemy to be 
beaten and put in chains, perhaps, because they loved their 
country and wanted to be free. General Ben Butler finallj' 
cut the knot. A large number of slaves came into his camp 
at Fortress Monroe. He put them to work on the intrench- 
ments. The owners soon came with injured tone and look, 
and asked for the "return of their property" which had 
escaped into the union lines. Old Ben Butler refused to 
return them. When asked for the grounds of his refusal he 
replied that they were "contrabands of war. " Whether his 
answer was sound in a legal point of view has never been 
determined. But in the words of Shakespeare, "It was 
enough; it would serve." There were no more attempts to 
reclaim slaves that had fled to the union lines. For a long 
time these refugees went by the name of "contrabands." 

The slaves escaping from the Missouri border made their 
way to Lawrence as if by instinct. They had heard of Law- 



184 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

rence in her early struggles. They knew how their masters 
hated her; consequently they loved her. They all felt that 
they would be safe if they could only get to Lawrence. 
Lawrence became to them what the polar star had been to 
the fugitives of former years. Their "star of hope" had 
moved up several hundred miles. Whenever one had deter- 
mined to escape, and was fairl}' out of the toils of his master, 
he headed for Lawrence and plodded on by day and by night 
till he reached the goal. 

The people of Lawrence did not need the "contraband" 
subterfuge to keep these poor fellows from being sent back to 
their masters. Thej' had met the question before and were 
fairh' well settled in their minds. The "entertaining of 
strangers" was not altogether a new grace among them. But 
their "faith" was ver}' severely tried by the numbers that 
came. They began to feel that virtue was not always its 
own reward. They almost regretted the reputation their 
history had given them. Most of those who came were en- 
tirel}^ destitute and had no idea or plan bej^ond getting to 
Lawrence. Now and then one had "spoiled the Egyptians" 
and brought some little with him. But the great majority 
w'ere kept from doing this either b}' conscience or a vigilant 
guard. They brought nothing with them but the clothes they 
had on, and these w'ould have filled the Gibeonites with envy. 
They were old and torn, tied up with strings and pinned with 
thorns. The fear was very natural that these unfortunate 
men would be a serious burden to the people who had about 
all they could carry already. But in this they were happily 
disappointed. These people were strong and healthy and 
ready to work at anything that was offered. They were so 
glad to be free that the}^ would accept any shelter they could 
find, and were satisfied with the simplest food. By a little 
systematic planning work was found for them as fast as they 
came, and this unique community of freedmen was self- 
sustaining almost from the start. 





• EO. \V. Iir 1 CIIINSON 



JOHN H. SHIMMONS. 

EARLY liUSINKSS MKN IN LAWRENCE. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REI!KI,I-ION. 185 

These people showed a great eagerness to learn. \'ery few 
of them could either read or write. They had not been 
allowed to learn in their condition as slaves. Teaching a 
slave was a crime punished with severe penalties. As soon 
as they were free, therefore, they were very eager to learn. 
To accommodate them a night school was established in 
Lawrence to which anybody could come who wished. It was 
taught by volunteer teachers who offered their services freely, 
some of the most cultivated ladies of the place giving five 
evenings every week to this work. For greater efficiency it 
was conducted in the form of a Sabbath school, each teacher 
liaving but four or five scholars to care for. A writer in the 
Lawrence Sfafr Journal describes a visit to the school in 
December, 1861. He says there were eighty-three scholars 
present and twenty-seven teachers. They were of all ages; 
a class of restless little girls on one bench, and a class of 
grown men on another. They all began with the alphabet. 
In five nights some of them were spelling words of two 
sylables. Some who began when the school opened, were 
able to read fluently and were ready to commence in figures. 
After the lesson they sang. One of their songs seemed very 
appropriate and they sang as if they meant it: 

" Wlieri". oil. whero is the Captain INIosos. 
Who led Israel out of Ef?ypt ? 
Safe now in the promised land." 

Most of the early fugitives were among the most energetic 
and enterprising of the slaves. Most of them remained in 
Lawrence, and they and their families are among the most 
prosperous and well to do of our colored population. If the 
spirit of common sympathy and helpfullness which was so 
marked at first, could have been kept up it would have been 
vastly better for both races and for all concerned. 

Lawrence was more prosperous during the first three years 
of the war than she had been the tliree year's preceding. The 



1 86 A HISTORY OF. LAWRENCE 

war gave employment to many people. Those in the army 
sent their money back to their families, and farm produce 
found a ready market at good prices. The country about 
Lawrence was very rich and many excellent farms were being 
developed. There was no special growth in the town, and 
very little building was done, but there were some improve-, 
ments and a general air of thrift. Business was fairly good, 
and the frequent passing of troops and travelers made things 
lively and fresh. People became accustomed to the condition 
of war and adjusted themselves to it. The frequent alarms 
which at first disturbed people had come to be regarded as a 
part of the situation. The progress of the war was watched 
with closest interest on account of the great issues involved, 
and also from the fact that Kansas troops were everywliere, 
and hardly a battle could be fought that did not bring 
sorrow to some Kansas home. Not only were Kansas troops 
engaged in the campaigns of the southwest, in Missouri and 
Arkansas, but also with the army of the Cumberland and the 
campaigns along the gulf; with Grant at Vicksburg, and with 
Sherman as he was "marching through Georgia." A battle 
could hardly occur in which Kansas was not concerned and 
Lawrence with the rest. While her men were more numerous 
in the first and second regiments, they were found in nearly 
all the regiments, and her people scanned the death roll after 
nearly every battle looking for names that were familiar and 
dear. No matter where it might be in the great field of the 
war, the lines reached into Lawrence, and the names of the 
dead was a matter of personal solicitude. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
The Lawrence Raid. — Its Antecedents and Causes. — 

WlI.LlAM C. QUANTRILL. ItS UnIQUE CHARACTER. 

OiHER Raids. — Its Unparalleled Brutality. 

In 1863 there occurred the most important event of the war 
as far as Lawrence was concerned; that was what has ever 
since been spoken of as the "Raid." The possibility of such 
a thing was recognized from the first. An incursion of 
maurauders from Missouri was considered likely to occur 
from the breaking out of the war. Lawrence had been the 
center of the free-state struggle, and had been the center of 
pro-slavery hate. That struggle had left a good deal of bitter 
feeling on both sides. It was especially bitter on the Missouri 
side because they had been defeated in the end they sought. 
They had three times undertaken to destroy Lawrence and 
three times had been foiled. It w'ould not be strange, the 
people thought, if the men of the border should not forget 
their disappointment, and should take advantage of the war 
to accomplish what they had so often failed in. And there 
were signs from across the border which confirmed these fears. 
There were threats and intimations of what might be, enough 
to show at least that they had not been forgotten. The 
negroes who ran away from bondage and came to Lawrence, 
had one story of the state of feeling on the other side of the 
border. They all said that the " border ruffians " had lost 
nothing of their hate for Lawrence, and they predicted with 
great positiveness that Lawrence would feel that hate before 
the war was over. The writer of this had in his family for 
several years a very intelligent mulatto who had been a slave 
in one of the border towns across the river. She had been a 
house servant, and had gained a good deal of culture from 



loo A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

coming in contact witli the familj-, and with friends of her 
master. It was quite noticeable that house servants were 
much more intelligent than field hands. This woman belong- 
ed to a prominent citizen who stood high in pro-slavery 
circles. He was a man of means and a man of good political 
standing. He was in secret sympathy with the rebellion, but 
did not avow his sympathy. This woman said that her mas- 
ter's house was the common resort of all the rebels of that 
region. The}' met at night usually, to discuss plans and talk 
over the situation. Many a time she had cooked all day and 
filled the cellar with meat and bread and other provisions, 
and in the night the}- Avould be all taken away and the cellar 
left empty. She never asked any questions, but she knew 
that the provisions were carried off to supply the guerrilla 
bands which were prowling about the country. When the 
guerrilla chiefs were at her master's house, as they often were, 
it was her work to serve them. So she passed in and out 
with perfect freedom. The slaves had a remarkable faculty 
of seeming to be utterl}- ignorant of the conversation going 
on, and seeming utterly blank, while they heard and under- 
stood every word that was said. So this woman could pass 
in and out of the room, and they would not think it necessar}' 
to stop their conversation or even guard their expressions. 
But she knew why they were together and caught every word 
that dropped. She said that oftener than anything else they 
were talking of Lawrence, and planning for its destruction. 
This was early in the war, and she used to speak of it in 
Lawrence months before the raid took place. She used to 
say with great earnestness "that the bushwhackers were 
surely coming, and the people were very foolish not to be 
prepared for them." This was the common testimony of the 
ex-slaves who came up from Missouri at the opening of the 
war. They knew the sentiment of their masters, and the 
common purpose of the rebels on the border, to repay Law- 



TO THK CLOSK OF THK RKliF.I.I.loX. i Sf)- 

rence and Kansas for the defeat they hatl suttered in the 
former conflict. 

Rumors and alarms were common also. In the early days 
of the war an alarming report was one day brought to Law- 
rence that a large body of men, fifteen hundred the story 
went, were marching up from the border. Whence the story- 
came no one knew, and no one cared to scrutinize it very 
closely. The whole country was aroused. The writer of this 
was calling around that day among the farmers at one of his 
out stations ten miles from Lawrence. He only found one 
farm house where the men were not either gone or preparing 
to go. They were going one by one, with their rifles and 
shot %uns, after the manner of the heroes of Lexington. 
They came back next day and reported no enemy in sight. 
As the war continued and rumors and alarms thickened, 
people became accustomed to them, and took little notice of 
them. Now and then, however, there would come a report 
that seemed to have a foundation, and the whole community 
was in a quiver. A very common feeling at first was that some 
of the troops furnished by Kansas should be retained for the 
defense of the state. Some thought it very cruel that Kansas 
towns should be left exposed while so large a proportion of 
her men were fighting the battles of the country in distant 
parts. But the wiser people contended that Kansas would 
be best protected in the long run by vigorously prosecuting 
the war to a successful issue. The fate of Kansas was 
wrapped up in the fate of the union. 

It has often been a matter of wonder that after all these 
warnings Lawrence was not on her guard when the blow was 
finally struck. But this is readily explained by the situation 
itself. These frequent alarms had produced a state of indif- 
ference. It was the "cry of the wolf" with the usual effect. 
The danger had been threatening for all these years and had not 
come, and people began to feel that it would never come. 



I go A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

They smiled at the wild reports that kept flying in and began 
to analyze each report as it came and show how absurd it 
was. They knew there was danger, but it grew more and 
more indefinite and far away. 

There were also frequent efforts at preparation. In the 
earlier months of the war the citizens maintained a guard 
about the town, taking their regular turns like soldiers. This 
was kept up until the spring of 1863 with more or less steadi- 
ness. Not being under military orders it was not a very 
reliable service, but most of the citizens faithfully fulfilled 
their part. In the spring of 1863 Gen. George W. Collamore 
was elected mayor of the city. He had been quartermaster 
general of the state under Governor Robinson for two^ears. 
He was a man of means and well connected in the East. He 
was a very active man with a good deal of executive ability, 
and had an air of self-sufficiency which made him want to do 
everything his own way and made other people disposed to 
stand aloof from him. He realized as few others did the dan- 
ger in which Lawrence stood, and he endeavored earnestly 
and constantly to arouse the people to a sense of the situa- 
tion. In this he was partially successful. He organized an 
effective military company and secured arms for them from 
the state. He also organized and armed companies in the 
country about Lawrence. A peculiar notion of his was that 
the guns should be kept in the armory and not be carried 
home by the men. The result was that when the attack was 
made the men were scattered about the city at their homes 
and their guns were inaccessible. The Wakarusa company, 
six miles south, assembled the morning of the raid near Blan- 
ton's bridge, but had no arms. It is easy to see, however, 
that there are points of advantage in General Collamore's 
policy, though this time it proved a mistake. General Colla- 
more worked in another line for the defense of the town. He 
saw, as everyone did, that the citizens' guard was very unre- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. igi 

liable. While most citizens did their duty when appointed 
for picket service, others failed, and it was never known 
whether there was a guard out or not. Besides he insisted 
that it was unfair to ask men who worked all day to do picket 
duty all night. It was enough if they held themselves in 
readiness to rail)' when danger threatened. He appealed to 
the militar}' authorities to station at Lawrence a body of sol- 
diers sufficient to do picket duty. This would insure a relia- 
ble guard, and relieve the citizens of this double service. He 
insisted that Lawrence could defend herself if she could only 
be warned in time of the approach of danger. After many 
efforts he gained his point and some time in May a small 
squad of soldiers was stationed at Lawrence, and the citizen 
soldiery was relieved of patrol duty. About August ist the 
military authorities withdrew this guard for service elsewiiere. 
They affirmed very positively that the guard was not needed. 
Lawrence was in no possible danger. The line between Mis- 
souri and Kansas was patrolled along its whole length, and 
no body of guerrillas could pass into Kansas without the fact 
being reported. General Collamore protested against the re- 
moval of the troops, but without avail. The people were 
disposed to accept the assurance of the military authorities, 
and nothing was done to revive the old plan of citizen patrol. 
The result was that Lawrence had never been so thoroughly 
off her guard, and so thoroughly at her ease, as at this time of 
her greatest peril. There could hardly have been a time in 
the three preceding years when she was feeling entirely secure. 
Mayor Collamore himself had struggled persistently against a 
good deal of indifference and some ridicule, and when the 
troops he had worked so hard to secure were taken away, he 
was himself half discouraged, and had not undertaken any 
new lines of defense. The whole town was just resting from 
the long straiji. 

The guerrilla method of warfare was adopted carl\- by 



1 92 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the rebel element in INIissouri. As soon as Fort Sumpter was 
fired upon the whole state was in confusion. There were 
disturbances here and there; railway tracks were torn up, 
bridges burned, and travel generally became dangerous. 
When the war became thoroughly organized order was re- 
stored in the country, railways were protected, and the guer- 
rillas compelled to go into hiding, and apply their vocation 
more secretly. Of these guerrilla bands, Quantrill soon be- 
came the most noted leader. His gang of outlaws, varying 
from two or three score to two or three hundred, found a 
hiding place among what was called the " Sni Hills." This 
was a general name for a rough region lying south of 
the Missouri river and below Kansas City and Westport, 
through which the Sni river and the Blue river and some 
other small streams flowed. It was a countr}' of high bluffs, 
deep ravines and rocky ledges, all covered with a growth of 
young timber so dense that a bird could hardly fly through it. 
It was an ideal hiding for a band like Quantrill's, superior for 
that purpose to Sherwood forest, the famous hiding place of 
Robin Hood. Here they could make their preparations un- 
observed and sally forth unheralded. When the work of 
robbery and arson was done they could dash back, and once 
a,mong these wild fastnesses and thickets they were practic- 
ally beyond pursuit. They could not have lived here but for 
the sympathy of the surrounding population, and a large por- 
tion of the population of this region were secretly in sympathy 
with the South, while professing loyalty to the union. From 
the granaries and the herds of those rich farmers the guer- 
rilla bands were secretly maintained, and many a man who 
claimed to be a friend of the union was secretly feeding the 
enemies of the union, and making possible their inhuman 
warfare. Before the end of the war the union cavalry learned 
the methods of the bushwhackers, and could follow them to 
tlK^ir hiding places. When this was done guerrilla warfare 





O, A. H.\NSC:OM. 



GEOKGE FORD. 



KAKLV KANSAS SETTLERS. 



•i() thl; ci.osk of ihk rkhei.lion. 193 

became less a one-sided affair, and the bushwhackers were 
pretty much driven from the country. But tlie method was 
learned too late to be of much avail in protecting the country. 
It availed for retaliation but not for safety. 

William Clark Quantrill was born at Dover, Ohio, in 1837. 
His father, Thomas Quantrill, was a school teacher of good 
famih- and good character. His father and mother were 
both honest, plain people, respected by all. His mother's 
maiden name was Caroline Clark. William received a fairly 
good education and was intended for his father's profession. 
From some of his early letters it appeared that he had in his 
youth some high ambitions of an entire!}' different type from 
those which afterwards possessed him. In 1857, at the age 
of twentv. he went to Kansas. He and some friends took up 
claims in Miami county near Stanton. In the winter of 1857 
and 1S58 he taught school in Stanton and did quite well. 
The next spring he went to Salt Lake and remained two 
years. In i860 he returned to Kansas and made his head- 
quarters at Lawrence. He went by the name of Charlie Hart 
and boarded at the Whitney house on the bank of the river. 
At the time of the raid he spared the WHiitney house on this 
account. He said they had treated him well there. Whether 
he went by this assumed name on account of crimes already 
committed, or whether he was now engaged in doubtful trans- 
actions which he did not wish to attach to his real name, is 
not known. At all events he associated with a bad lot of 
men, and they were engaged in doubtful and shady opera- 
tions, which soon drew upon them the attention of the police. 
He escaped them and went over into Missouri, just across the 
line, not far from where he formerly lived in Miami county. 
He persuaded four reckless young men to join him in robbing 
the home of a rich slaveholder in Missouri. He then be- 
trayed his associates to the intended victim, and three of the 
four were shot dead, he himself shooting one of them. He 



194 



A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 



was arrested and lodged in the Paola jail. Some of his 
friends secured his release on a writ of habeas corpus, and 
when he was out of jail some friends placed a fleet horse in a 
convenient place, and this horse soon took him "beyond the 
jurisdiction of the court. " He had heretofore been in sym- 
pathy with the free-state people, but from this on he identi- 
fied himself with his Missouri friends. He became the leader 
of their marauding bands, and in a short time was the most 
distinguished of the guerrilla chieftans. All the most suc- 
cessful raids were under his guidance, and there were no 
marked successes after he withdrew to another part of the 
country. He began to be noted in 1862 when he made num- 
erous raids into Kansas. In October 1862 he made a raid on 
Olathe with about one hundred and forty men. He kept the 
citizens under guard in the public square while his men car- 
ried off whatever they wished in the way of horses or goods. 
One man was killed. A little later he made a raid on Shaw- 
neetown, burned a good portion of the place and killed sev- 
eral men. At other times the same process was repeated 
at Spring Hill, Aubrey and other points. The next 
season, the summer of 1863, his movements were 
more numerous and bold. The whole region along the 
border was kept in a continual state of commotion and 
fear. Every night lights against the sky showed that 
some poor fellows house was going up in flames. Men 
on the farms did not dare stay in their houses over night, 
but slept in the cornfields and in the woods. This state of 
things continued during the summer of 1863. These depre- 
dations did not extend more than ten or fifteen miles from 
the Missouri border into Kansas. The people of Lawrence 
used to argue that guerrilla bands could not get further than 
that into the country without being reported. They there- 
fore reasoned that Lawrence was safe because she was forty 
miles from the border. It would take all night to make the 



TO THFi CLOSK OF THK REHELl.ION. 195 

march, and the news would certainly travel faster than a 
troop could travel. It is surprising now how clear they made 
this argument appear to themselves. Every day's delay con- 
firmed their conclusion. The military authorities who "un- 
dersood such matters, " were even more positive. So their 
sense of security grew strong as the enemy drew near, and 
they were never more at their ease than when the peril was 
at their very door. 

The Lawrence raid was unique. It differed from 
any other raid in histor}'. Other raids were made for 
plunder or for military purposes. The earlier raids of 
Quantrill and his men were made for plunder largel}'. They 
dashed into Olathe at night, ordered all the men to the pub- 
lic square and kept them under guard till they were done. 
Only one man was killed and he was killed in a fray. Often 
raids were made for the purpose of putting out of the way 
some persons who were obnoxious to them. Houses were 
burned, horses were taken, and other things stolen such as 
took their fancy. But in no case was there a general slaugh- 
ter. At Lawrence it was butchery from the first charge to 
the last shot. The butchering and burning began with their 
approach and hardly ended with their departui'e. It was not 
the picking out of a few obnoxious persons as was the case 
elsewhere. The killing was indiscriminate and mostly in 
cold blood. There was no provocation and no resistance. 
There was nothing to irritate or provoke. The few who re- 
sisted fared better than those who did not resist. There 
were men in Lawrence whom they very naturally would look 
for. But very few of these were found. Governor Robinson 
was in town that morning. On account of his position and 
his prominence in the early difiiculties they would have count- 
ed him a valuable prize. But he was permitted quietly to 
survey the whole transaction from his stone barn on the hill- 
side. They sought for him elsewhere, but did not look in 



196 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the barn. General Lane was in town that morning, and par- 
haps no man in Kansas would have been dispatched with 
more relish. But when they called at his house in the early 
morning, he was "not at home." General Deitzler was in 
town, having just come from a victorious campaign through 
the very region from which they hailed. But he was not 
found. The two Rankins were home on a furlough. They 
were soldiers and expected no quarters. When they were 
pounced upon in the street therefore they drew their revolvers 
and blazed away, and were given a wide berth. They are 
both living today to tell the stor)^ The men the raiders did 
kill were quiet, peaceable citizens. Few of them had taken 
any part in the early disturbances or in the border troubles 
since the war began. There was Judge Carpenter, a very 
conservative man, never extreme in any line, and having no 
sympathy with extreme men on either side. There was Ed- 
ward P. Fitch, one of the quietest of men, a lover of home 
and of peace, as brave as a lion, and gentle as a woman. 
There was S. M. Thorpe of whom no one could cherish a 
hard thought. Onh' a few months before he had been elec- 
ted to the state senate on the issue of opposition to all irre- 
sponsible warfare. He had the utmost abhorrence of all 
parties on either side who were disposed to take advantage of 
the condition of war for plunder or prey. This suggests the 
further point that Lawrence herself was a conservative town. 
The depredations complained of found as little sympathy in 
Lawrence as in any town in the state. If retaliation was the 
motive, Lawrence was one of the last towns that should have 
suffered, and the men killed were among the last that should 
have been selected. As a matter of fact the victims were not 
selected at all. The raiders killed whom they found never 
asking who they were or what they were. It was enough 
that they were found in Lawrence. Other raids was for plun- 
der, the Lawrence raid was for slaughter. That some of the 



TO THK CI-OSF, OF THE REBELLION. ig7 

raiders should assign retaliation as the motive was to be ex- 
pected. It was the nearest motive at hand and made a plausible 
excuse. That some of the raiders had suffered personal wrongs 
and were inspired with feelings of revenge, Ave can well be- 
lieve. But this could not have been the inspiration of the 
attack, nor the cause of its excessive brutality. These things 
show that it had roots deeper than this. Its roots ran back in- 
to the old pro-slavery hate of six years before. Individual 
members of the band no doubt had their individual motives. 
But the thing itself had a deeper ground. Its inspiration 
and its venom flowed from the same source and sentiment 
whence the earlier invasions came. It sprang from the same 
sentiment which had three times before assailed Lawrence 
and been foiled. Individuals of the band may have had a 
variety of motives, but as a whole the movement sprang from 
the same soil which produced the Wakarusa war and the 
troubles of 1856. It was the same conflict on a larger scale. 
The same principles were at stake, and the same parties 
confronted each other. The same feelings inspired either 
side. The same hate sought to gratify itself under the new 
conditions. The border ruffians of 1856, became the bush- 
whackers of 1863. 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Lawrence Raid. — The Approach. — The Charge and the 
Surprise.— The Surrender of the Hotel. — The Burn- 
ing and Killing Begin. — Four Hours of Slaughter. 
— Marvelous Escapes. — The Heroism of the Women. 

It is not easy to get any inside view of Quantrill's move- 
ments. When not in motion his men were in hiding. He laid 
his plans in secret and executed them in the night, and neither 
plan nor execution was open to inspection. Since the war 
closed what remained of the raiders were scattered all over 
the country, and most of them are very shy of saying anything 
of the part they played. A gentleman of Kansas City, who 
was a citizen of Lawrence at the time of the raid, has recently 
interviewed one of Quantrill's men who has lived a quiet life 
since the war and become a respected citizen. From him a 
more full account of Quantrill's approach has been gathered. 
Quantrill assembled his men at Columbus, Johnson count}', 
Missouri, August 19th, and moved over to Lone Jack in Jack- 
son county. Here the organization was completed and the 
final orders given. The roll was called and two hundred and 
ninety-four responded to their names. They were organized 
in four companies under four captains. Two of these captains 
were the notorious Bill Todd and Bill Anderson, the most 
desperate and bloodthirsty of the border chieftains. The 
writer of this sketch once came up the Missouri river on the 
same steamboat with Bill Anderson. It was before the war, 
and Anderson had not yet developed into a bushwhacker. 
But his capacity in that line was easily seen. He was playing 
the part of a gentleman just then, and seemed to be the 
favorite companion of some southern ladies who were coming 
up the river at the same time. He was easy, affable, well 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLIOX. igQ 

informed and entertaining, and was evidently in good humor 
witli himself. He was somewhat tall with rather long dangling 
arms. He was well dressed, and when he walked on deck 
he always wore one of those circular broadcloth cloaks 
which were then common. He had long, black, flowing hair, 
sharp features, a hooked nose, and an eye such as one will 
see but once in a life time. The writer did not know anything 
of liim then, and judged simply from his appearance. But his 
eyes impressed him as being a sort of a cross between an 
eagle and a snake, the most vicious looking eye he ever saw. 
Over his features continually there pla3ed a look of infinite 
conceit and a sneering smile of ineffable contempt. This 
pictures him in his character of a gentleman. A picture of him 
later, in his character of bushwhacker, was drawn by another 
hand. It gives the same general form, the same hooked nose, 
the same flowing locks, the same sinister eye and the same 
diabolical sneer. But now he is dressed in homespun butter- 
nuts: he is coatless and hatless and sits upon a horse which is 
almost a counterpart of himself. The horse goes without 
guidance, and the man rides without support. The horse is 
dashing after men as they run, just as a hunter would follow 
a fox. His rider sits erect with a revolver in each hand, and 
fires with either w'ith unerring accuracy at any poor fellow 
that comes in sight. Such are two pictures of the most cold- 
blooded and brutal of all the guerrilla leaders. Before the war 
closed he was killed as he dashed along in the manner in- 
dicated in the second picture above. Besides these four 
captains, there were with Quantrill all the noted guerrillas of 
the border, Dick Yeager, the James boys and others. Jesse 
James was but a boy of sixteen, but he boasted of having 
killed thirteen men in Lawrence. But all stories with "thir- 
teens" can safely be discounted. Thirteen seems to have 
been a favorite number with them, and enough of them 
boasted of having killed thirteen each to have exterminated 



200 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the entire population of Lawrence. But his kilHng was 
probably limited only by his opportunities. 

After all arrangements were completed the band moved from 
Lone Jack and marched towards the Kansas border. They 
crossed over into Kansas about five o'clock in the afternoon. 
They passed in plain sight of a camp of United States troops 
some miles away at Aubrey. The troops made no attempt to 
intercept them. It would have been madness to do so, as the 
raiders outnumbered them four or five to one. This camp 
was in command of Captain J. A. Pike. He sent word at 
once to Kansas City, but why he did not also send word to 
Lawrence has never been explained. The raiders proceeded 
a short distance when they halted to rest their horses and to 
eat supper. The horses refreshed themselves on prairie 
grass, and the men on such as they had. Some of them even 
went to the farm houses near by and procured milk and other 
things they wanted, and some of them ordered supper. After 
a good rest they mounted and rode on. They struck directly 
across the prairie toward Lawrence. About eleven o'clock 
they passed Gardner on the old Santa Fe trail. Here they 
burned a house or two and killed a man. But even from here 
no word was sent in to warn those in danger. The citizens 
were probably too much occupied with their own perils to 
think much of the dangers of others. The troop passed 
through Hesper about three o'clock in the morning. The 
moon had now gone down and the night was dark and the 
way quite doubtful. Quantrill took a boy from a house near 
Captain's creek and compelled him to lead them to Lawrence. 
They kept this bo}' during their work in Lawrence, then 
Quantrill dressed him in a new suit of clothes and gave him a 
horse and sent him home. 

Somewhere along here a man whose name ought to have 
been preserved attempted to give warning to the doomed 
town. As soon as the troop had passed his house he 





SAMIKL KI.NfHALI.. JOSEPH SWAGE. 

KAKLY KANSAS SKTTLKRS. 



TO THE CLOSK OF THK RKDEI.LIOX. 20I 

mounted a horse and started for Lawrence by a circuitous 
route. He had proceeded but a few miles, however, when 
liis horse stumbled in the darkness and fell forward and killed 
himself. The man could do no other than abandon his heroic 
purpose and return home on foot. 

It is a very singular thing that during all these hours no 
word should come to Lawrence of the danger which was 
approaching her. As Hovey E. Lowman says in his account 
of the affair, the bushwhackers "passed leisurely from their 
hiding place in Missouri through the federal lines, and almost 
within shooting distance of a federal camp in the day time, 
then just as leisurel}' made their way over forty miles of 
traveled road through Kansas settlements at night, and halted, 
called the roll in early dawn within pistol shot of the houses 
of the residents of Lawrence, and yet no warning voice rang 
through her quiet streets, 'Quantrill is coming!'" All the 
while he was coming the people slept as peacefully as if there 
had been no foe within a thousand miles. One of the strang- 
est of the many strange things of this strange affair was that 
every thought of help or warning was frustrated, and the foe 
that had been coming all night pounced upon an unsuspecting 
people in the morning. 

Quantrill and his men entered Franklin, four miles east 
of Lawrence, at the first glimmer of day. They passed 
quietly through the village, leaning over upon their horses so 
as to attract as little attention as possible. A few persons saw 
them, but in the dimness could not make out who they were. 
The command was distinctly heard however: "Rush on, boys, 
rush on! It will be daylight before we are there. We ought 
to have been there an hour ago." 

It was growing lighter now and they traveled faster. As 
they drew near to the town they grew eager for blood. About 
two miles east of Lawrence they passed the farm of Rev. S. S. 
Snyder, a minister of the United Brethren church. Here a 



202 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

couple of tliem left the main body and rode through his gate, 
found him in his barnyard and shot him. He was a very quiet 
man and very highly respected. He had been commissioned 
as a lieutenant of colored troops and this was doubtless the 
reason they singled him out. 

About a mile from town they met young Hoffman Colla- 
more, the son of Mayor Collamorc. He was riding out early 
to his father's farm to spend the day shooting game. He was 
riding a pony and carried a shot gun. He was a 3'oimg lad 
of about sixteen. When he met them in the dim dawn he 
supposed that they were a body of United States troops, and 
he turned aside to pass them. They halted him and asked 
him where he was going. Suspecting nothing, he made an 
indifferent reply and kept on. At that they began firing at 
him. He put spurs to his pony and dashed out into a field. 
They continued firing and soon one bullet hit the bo}' and 
another the pony, and they both fell headlong. The boy lay 
as if dead until they had passed and then crept away. He 
was severely wounded in the thigh, but recovered. 

Just outside of the town two of them turned aside and rode 
into the yard of Mr. Joseph Savage, who then lived at the 
Hanscom place. They went up to his front door and 
knocked. Mr. Savage had the good fortune to be suffering 
with weak eyes at the time. He had just risen and was in the 
rear part of the house bathing his eyes. He heard the knock 
but could not go to the door till he had washed his eyes. He 
had seen the troop going by the house, but supposing them 
to be Union soldiers, he gave the matter no thought. As 
soon as he was able he went to the door and opened it just in 
time to see two horsemen riding out of his gate. His weak 
eyes undoubtedl}' saved his life. 

As they drew near to the town they seemed to hesitate and 
waver. Coming from the east the town appeared in its full 
proportions as the first light of the' morning shone on it. It 



TO THE CI-OSE OF THE KKHELl.lON. 203 

is said some of them were disposed to turn back. But yuan- 
trill said "he was going in, and they might follow who 
would." Two horsemen were sent in advance of the troop 
to see that all was quiet. They rode through the main street 
without attracting attention. They were seen by several per- 
sons but excited no suspicion. They returned to the main 
body and reported the way clear. They now moved on quite 
rapidly, but quietly and cautiously. When they came to the 
high ground facing Massachusetts street, not far from where 
the park now is, the command was given in clear tones, 
"Rush on to the town." Instantly the whole-body bounded 
forward with the yell of demons. They came first upon a 
camp of imarmed recruits for the Kansas Fourteenth regi- 
ment. They had just taken in their guards and were rising 
from their beds. On these the raiders fired as they passed, 
killing seventeen of the twenty-two. This diversion did not 
check the speed of the general advance. A few turned aside 
to run down and shoot the fleeing soldiers, but the main body 
swept on down Rhode Island street. When the head of the 
column came about to Henry street the command was heard 
all over that section, "On to the hotel! On to the hotel!" 
At this they wheeled obliquely to the left, and in a few mo- 
ments were dashing down Massachusetts street toward the 
Eldridge house. In all the bloody scenes which followed 
nothing surpassed for wildness and terror that which now 
presented itself. The horsemanship of the guerrillas was 
perfect. They rode with the ease and abandon of men who 
had spent their lives in the saddle amid rough and desperate 
scenes. They were dressed in the traditional butternut, and 
belted about with revolvers. Their horses seemed to be in 
the secret of the hour, and their feet scarcely seemed to touch 
the ground. Their riders sat upon them with bodies erect, 
and arms tree, some with a revolver in each hand, shooting 
at each house or person they passed, and yelling at every 



204 A HISTORY OK LAWRENCE 

bound. On each side of this stream of fire were men falling 
dead and wounded, and women and children, half dressed, 
running and screaming, some trying to escape from danger, 
and others rushing to the side of their murdered friends. 

They dashed along Massachusetts street, shooting at every 
person on the sidewalk, and into almost every window, until 
they came in front of the Eldridge house. The firing now 
ceased and there was a silence for a few moments. They 
eviedently expected resistance at this point, and sat gazing up 
at the long rows of windows as if doubtful of what might 
come. In a few moments Captain A. R. Banks, provost 
marshal of the state, opened a window and displayed a white 
sheet and called for Quantrill. Quantrill rode forward and 
Captain Banks surrendered the house, stipulating for the 
safety of the inmates, mostly strangers. At this moment the 
big gong of the hotel began to sound through the halls to 
arouse the sleeping guests. The whole column fell back at 
the sound, evidently thinking it to be the signal for attack. 
But as nothing came of it they soon pressed forward again, 
and began the work of plunder and destruction. They ran- 
sacked the hotel, taking what they found in the rooms and 
robbing the guests of their valuables as the}^ came out. The 
guests were not long in assembling at the head of the stairs, 
and thence they went down to the sidewalk. They were 
marched to the corner of Winthrop street when Quantrill ap- 
peared and ordered them to go to the City hotel, and they 
would be safe. He had boarded there some years ago and 
had been well treated, and should spare the hotel on that 
account. He ordered them to go into the house and stay 
there and they would not be harmed. The prisoners were as 
obedient as Quantrill's own men, and lost no time in seeking 
their house of refuge. In marked contrast with what fol- 
lowed, Quantrill kept his word with the Eldridge house pris- 
oners, and they were not molested so long as Quantrill remained 



TO THK CLOSE OF THE REHEI.I.ION. 



205 



in town. He evidently regarded the Eldridge house as tlie 
citadel of the place, and considered its surrender equivalent 
to the surrender of the town. He was looking for resistance, 
and was relieved when the white flag appeared. He there- 
fore felt inclined to abide by the terms of capitulation. Among 
the guests at the Eldridge house were James C. Horton and 
Carmi W. Babcock. They came down as soon as the alarm 
was given, and met the raiders in the hall. They persuaded 
them to delay the pillage till the guests could get out. As 
soon as they reached the City hotel they discovered that a 
brother of Colonel Eldridge, the proprietor of the Eldridge 
house, was not with them. They feared he had not been 
awakened, and would perish with the building. Mr. Horton 
and Mr. Babcock asked for a guard to go back and get him. 
A horseman returned with them, but the building was already 
in flames and they could not enter it. Their guard then 
escorted them safely back to the City hotel. Mr. Eldridge 
was afterwards found safe. 

The other hotels and the other houses had no such experi- 
ence of clemency or honor as was accorded to the Eldridge 
house. The treatment of the Eldridge house guests was in 
marked contrast with all the dreadful scenes that followed. 

As soon as the Eldridge house had surrendered, the raiders 
scattered all over the town. They went in bands of six or 
eight, taking street by street and house by house. The 
events of the next three hours find no parallel outside the 
annals of savage warfare. History furnishes no other in- 
stance where so large a number of such desperate men, so 
heavily armed, were let perfectly loose upon an unsuspecting 
and helpless community. They were not restrained even by 
the common rules of war, and went about their work of death 
with the abandon of men with whom murder was a pastime 
and pity a stranger. Instead of wearying of their bloody 
work, they grew more brutal as the work proceeded, for they 



2o6 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

secured liquor at some of the stores, and added the reckless- 
ness of drunkenness to the barbarous purpose for which they 
came. The carnage was all the worse for the fact that the 
people were not expecting an indiscriminate slaughter. The 
general feeling was that they would do what they had 
done elsewhere — rob and burn the town, shoot a few marked 
men if they could find them, and then leave. No one 
dreamed of such wholesale butcher}' as followed. Hence 
many who could have escaped remained in their homes and 
were killed. They naturally thought that there would be 
more danger in running through the streets filled with armed 
men than in quietly waiting in their homes and taking their 
chances. For this reason the men who were specially marked 
for slaughter fared the best, for they knew what to expect 
and took themselves out of the way. There was a large num- 
ber of military men in town, but scarcely one of them was 
killed, except the unarmed recruits who were shot in their 
camp, almost in their beds, at first onset. Soldiers knew 
they could expect no quarter, and so took care of themselves. 
The same was true of the colored people. They knew what 
kind of men slavery had made, and they ran to the brush at 
the first alarm, and comparatively few of them were killed. 
But the raiders made no discrimination. They came to kill, 
and it was a butchery from the first. Those who were natur- 
ally marked for slaughter mostly escaped, while those killed 
were mostly quiet, unoffending citizens. They killed whom 
they met without knowing who they were or caring what they 
were. They said their orders were "to kill every man and 
burn every house." They did not quite do this, but they 
went to work as if this was their intent. They were not all 
alike of course. Some reveled in tlie work they were doing, 
some recoiled from it, and some were touched with pity. 
But even their pity did not often effect much. For if one 
gang was touched with pity, the next would l)e pittiless, and 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 207 

the result was often the same. A gentleman who was con- 
sealed where he could see the whole, said it was the most 
vivid realization of the slang phrase "Hell let loose" that 
coidd be well imagined. They were a desperate looking lot 
of men, rough in dress, and coarse in speech and brutal in 
conduct. They carried from two to six revolvers apiece 
while man}' also carried carbines. 

The attack had been perfectly planned. Every man seemed 
to know his place and what he was to do. Detachments 
scattered to every part of the town, and it was done with such 
promptness that before the people could gather the meaning 
of the first yell every part of the town was full of them. They 
flowed into every street and lane like water poured upon a 
rock. Eleven rushed up to Mount Oread to keep watch of 
the country round about. From here they could see over the 
whole country for several miles, and note any gathering 
among the people to come to the rescue. Another and larger 
band struck for the western part of the town, where they had 
more reason to fear the organization of the citizens for de- 
fense. So quickly were they dispersed to every section that 
any concentration for resistance was out of the question. 
The surprise was so complete that no organized resistance 
was possible. Before the people could comprehend the real 
meaning of the affair, every part of the town was occupied by 
the raiders. The attack could scarcely have been made at a 
more unfortunate hour. People were just awaking from their 
sleep, and could hardly comprehend what had come upon 
them. The men of Lawrence were organized in a militia 
company, but the mayor had insisted that the arms should be 
kept in the armory instead of being carried home by the mem- 
bers. From the very first attack, therefore, these guns were in- 
accessible. Even if the company could have got together they 
had no arms, and there could be no resistance from the 
houses themselves. It is not likely, however, that any other 



2o8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

arrangement would have changed things much. The attack 
was so sudden and the occupation of the. town was so com- 
plete, that no general rail}' was possible. There was neither 
time nor opportunity for consultation or concert of action. 
Everyone had to do the best he could for himself. 

There were a few individual attempts at resistance, but 
most of them resulted disastrousl3^ Mr. Levi Gates lived in 
the country about a mile away, and in the opposite direction 
from which the rebels came in. As soon as he heard the firing 
he siezed his rifle and started for towm. He supposed a stand 
would be made somewhere by the citizens, and he could join 
them. When he reached the town he saw at once it was in 
possession of the rebels. Being an excellent marksman he 
could not leave without trying his rifle. His first shot made 
a rebel jump in his saddle but did not kill him. He loaded 
again and fired one more shot, but by this time the rebels 
were all around him, and he soon fell a victim to their bullets. 
After he was dead they brutally beat his head to pieces. 
Captain George W. Bell was county clerk. He lived on the 
hill overlooking the town. He saw the raiders before they 
made their first charge. He siezed his gun and started out 
with the hope of reaching the main street before them, and 
joining the citizens in defending the town. His family tried 
to dissuade him, but he only replied, "If they take Lawrence 
they must do it over my dead body." With a prayer for 
courage and help he started on the run. But he was too 
late. Before he could reach the main street the raiders had 
possession. He endeavored to get round by a back way and 
came to the ravine w'est of the street. Here he met other 
citizens and asked them: "Where shall we meet?" They 
assured him it was too late to meet anywhere, and urged him 
to save himself while he could. He turned back as if intend- 
ing to go home again. But the raiders had now scattered all 
over and he was in the midst of them. Finding escape im- 




MRS. 1)K. S. B. PRENTISS. 



MRS. O. A. H.\NSCOM. 



SQME OF TI^E PIONEHK WOMEN. 



TO THK CLOSE OF THK RKHELI.ION. 209 

possible, he went into an unfinished brick house and cHmbed 
up on the joists together witli another man. A raider came 
in and began shooting at them. He interceded for his friend, 
and soon found that this assailant was an old friend of his 
who had often eaten at his table. He appealed to him in 
such a wa}' that he promised to spare their lives if they would 
come down. They came down, and the man took them out- 
side where about twenty of his companions w^cre waiting. 
■Shoot him, shoot him!" was their cr\'. He asked for a 
moment to pray, which they granted him, when they shot 
him through with four bullets. Mr. Bell was a man of excel- 
lent character, widely known and everywhere respected. He 
left a wife and six children to miss and mourn him. 

The two Rankins, Lieutenant John K. Rankin and Cap- 
tain William A. Rankin, cousins, were military officers at 
home on a short furlough. Being out for an early walk when 
the attack was made, they started for home. Turning a cor- 
ner they came upon two raiders attempting to shoot a man 
l3ang in a j^ard. They drew their revolvers and rushed toward 
the two horsemen. Just then four others came up behind 
them, and the}^ all began shooting. John K. Rankin feels • 
sure he wounded one man severely for he saw him jump up in 
his saddle and then ride off in a hurr}-. How^ many shots 
were exchanged it is not known, but the Rankins had emptied 
their revolvers, and the six raiders had kept up a constant 
racket. One shot was deliberately aimed at William Rankin 
and would doubtless have ended his part in the affair, had not 
the bullet hit the muzzle of his own revolver which he fired at 
the same time. Just as their ammunition gave out the raid- 
ers somehow got parted from them, and the Rankins escaped 
unhurt. 

With but few exceptions, however, the raiders had their 
own way, and made the most of their opportunity. For some 
four hours the town was at their mercy, and it received no 

H 



2IO A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

mercy at their hands. Along the business street they did the 
most thorough work. The first fire that broke out was from 
the Lawrence Republican building, where the opera house and 
post office now stand. They then proceeded southward down 
the street firing the buildings as they went. They robbed the 
buildings before they burned them, usually shooting the occu- 
pants they found in them. Many of these were left to be 
consumed in the flames. The air was so still that the smoke 
from each building shot up straight into the sky, and stood 
like great black columns all along the street. One at a little 
distance could follow their work by the fires they kindled. 
Every now and then an explosion told that powder had been 
reached in some of the stores. After a little the smoke hung 
like a cloud over the town. Bits of charred paper and burnt 
cloth floated off on the air. Everybody was so isolated that 
few knew much that was going on except what he himself 
could see. 

It is only possible to give a few of the incidents of the mas- 
sacre. These must be taken as specimens of the whole. To 
gain any idea of the horrors of that morning these few inci- 
dents must be multiplied by the number of the killed and 
wounded. Even this would not give the entire picture. For 
many of those who escaped could tell as thrilling a tale as 
any that could be told by the dead. Every house had its 
story of incredible brutality or marvelous escape. The story 
of that morning would of itself fill a volume. 

In marked contrast with the experience of the Eldridge 
house was that of the Johnson house, the next largest hotel 
in the place. The raiders came here after they knew they 
were in possession of the town. They had no further 
need of making terms. As soon as they entered the 
house they ordered all the men to surrender, "If they would 
do this they would not be hurt, but the house must be 
burned. " Trusting this the men gave themselves up, and 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 211 

were marched across the street to the alley back of where the 
G. A. R. hall now stands, there they were shot. They were 
all killed except Mr. Hampson, who fell as if dead, and lay 
quietly until he could escape. Mr. Ralph C. Dix lived next 
door to the Johnson house. His own house being of wood, 
he thought it would be safer in the hotel. When the hotel 
was taken he was taken prisoner and shot w^ith the rest. A 
brother of his, Stephen H. Dix, was killed while trying to es- 
cape from the rear of the hotel. Another brother was shot three 
times and fell almost helpless. The building he was in was 
on fire and burning rapidly over him. With great difficulty 
he managed to drag himself out and kept concealed until they 
were gone. 

George W. Collamore was mayor of the city. He lived in 
the western part of the town, but his house was attacked al- 
most at the first onset. The raiders evidently knew who he was 
and knew he would be likely to organize resistance if possible. 
They planned, therefore, to forestall any action of this kind. 
He was awakened by their shouts, and looking out of the 
window he saw the house was entirely surrounded. There 
was no possibility of escape and there was but one hiding 
place. In the rear of the house there was a well quite close 
to the back door. He and Pat Keefe had just time to slip down 
into the well as the raiders came in at the front. They 
searched the house from top to bottom, swearing and threat- 
ening all the while. Failing to find him they set fire to the 
house, and waited about until it was burned to the ground. 
Mrs. Collamore went to the back door while the house was 
burning, and spoke to her husband and he responded. She 
knew he was alive and safe when she left the house which she 
was soon compelled to do. After the flames had subsided 
and the ground was clear, she went again to the well and 
spoke but there was no response. As soon as the raiders 
were gone. Captain J. G. Lowe, a warm friend of General 



212 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Collamore, went down into the well to seek him. He also 
lost his life and the three bodies were drawn out together. 
The cause of their death could only be a matter of conjecture. 
The common supposition was that the heat of the burning 
house exhausted the air from the well and suffocated Mayor 
Collamore and Mr. Keefe, and that Capt. Lowe, in his eager- 
ness to rescue his friend, lost his footing and fell. 

A block south of Mayor Collamore lived Dr. J. F. Griswold. 
There were four families living in the house. Dr. Griswold 
and his wife, and three couples who were boarding with them. 
These were Hon. S. M. Thorpe, state senator; Mr. Josiah C. 
Trask, editor of the State Journal, and Mr. H^arlow W. Baker, 
grocer; and their wives. The house was attacked about the 
same time as Mayor CoUamore's. They called for the men 
to come out. As the men were armed, and were vigorous 
young men, they were disposed to remain in the house and 
defend themselves. But the raiders were very plausible. 
They assured them they would not be harmed. "We have 
come to burn Lawrence, but we do not want to hurt anybody, 
and we do not want to get hurt. If the citizens will make us 
no trouble, we will do them no harm. We want }'ou to go 
with us over to town where we can keep you under guard till 
we are through, then you can go. It will be better for every- 
body if _you quietly go with us." Mr. Trask said to his com- 
panions, "If it is going to help the town we had better go 
with them." Then the}' came down stairs and went out. 
The raiders ordered them into line, and marched them towards 
the town, they themselves following on their horses. They 
had scarcely gone a dozen yards before they were shot. All 
four fell as if dead. The four wives were on the balcony 
looking on, but were not permitted to come out antl minister 
to their hxisbands or even to know whether they were dead or 
alive. After the shooting the ruffians went in and robbed the 
house. They demanded even the personal jewelry of the 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 213 

ladies. Mrs. Trask begged to be allowed to retain her wed- 
ding ring. "You have killed my husband; let me keep his 
ring. " But the ruffian snatched it from her hand with a 
brutal oath. The men lay in the hot sun outside, and no 
one could go to them. About half an hour after the shoot- 
ing, some horsemen rode up to them, and shot them again. 
Mr. Baker received his only dangerous wound at the second 
shooting. It was not till after the raiders had left the town 
that the friends could know who was dead and who was alive. 
Dr. Griswold and Mr. Trask were found to be dead. Mr. 
Thorpe was mortally wounded and lingered in great agony 
till the next day. Mr. Baker was shot the first time through 
the neck. At the second shooting a ball passed through 
the lungs. He received besides one or two other slight 
wounds. For many days his case was in doubt, but having 
a strong constitution, he finally recovered, and is still a 
member of the firm of Ridenour & Baker, leading whole- 
sale grocers at Kansas City. 

One of the most shocking murders was that of Judge Louis 
Carpenter. Judge Carpenter was a young man of marked 
ability, and had already won some distinction. He had been 
judge of probate for Douglas county, and the year before had 
been a candidate for attorney general of the state. He had 
been married less than a year and had a delightful home in 
the eastern part of the town. Several gangs came to his house, 
robbed him of his valuables and took what they pleased from 
the house. But his coolness and self possession, his genial 
manner and tact every time diverted them, and they left him 
unharmed and his house unburned. Towards the last an- 
other gang came who were harder to divert than the others 
had been. He accosted them in his usual pleasant way, 
hoping to engage them in conversation. One of them asked 
"where he was from. " "New York, "he replied. "Oh its 
you New York fellows who are doing all the mischief. " The 



214 ^ HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

fellow drew his revolver and Carpenter ran into the house. 
The man dismounted and followed. Mr. Carpenter ran first 
one way and then another, and finally escaped into the cellar. 
He was already badly wounded and the blood lay in a pool 
where he stood. His hiding place was soon discovered, and 
he ran out into the yard. The man followed and shot him 
again. He fell mortally wounded. His wife ran to him and 
threw herself over him to protect him from further violence. 
The brute deliberately walked around her to find a place to 
shoot once more. He finally raised her arm, thrust his re- 
volver under it, and fired so that she saw the charge enter her 
husband's head. They then set fire to the house, but Mrs. 
Carpenter's sister extinguished the flames and saved the house. 
There was nothing in Judge Carpenter's character or life 
which could give any reason for the venom with which he 
was pursued. He was moderate and conservative in his views 
and had taken no special part in the early conflict. There is no 
evidence that they even knew who he was, or anything about 
him beyond the fact that he lived in Lawrence. 

Another case of singular brutality was the murder of Ed- 
ward P. Fitch who lived a couple of blocks from Judge Car- 
penter. He was up-stairs when they came to the door. 
They called to him to come down and as soon he ap- 
peared they shot him, and he fell in his own doorway. 
Although he was evidently dead, they continued to shoot 
until they had lodged six or eight bullets in his body. They 
then came in and set fire to the house. Mrs. Fitch endeav- 
ored to drag her husband out from the house but the}^ forbade 
her. She then tried to take his picture from the wall, but 
she was forbidden to do even this. Stupefied b\' the horrors 
of the scene and the strange brutality exhibited towards her 
she stood in a half dazed condition looking at what was going 
on about her. As the fire progressed one of the ruffians came 
up and drove her out of the house. Otherwise she might 



TO THE CLOSK OK THE REBELLION. 215 

have perished with the rest. She then took her three little 
■ ones a short distance away, and sat down on the grass and 
watched the flames consume her husband who still lay in the 
doorway of his home. While she sat looking on, one of the 
ruffians went up to the door, and drew the boots off Mr. 
Fitch's feet, and put them on himself, and walked away. Mr. 
Fitch was a young man of excellent character and highly es- 
teemed by everybody. He was one of the first settlers and 
taught the first school ever taught in Lawrence or in Kansas. 
He was an earnest Christian and was secretary of the Congre- 
gational Sunday school. He was quiet in his habits, mild 
and gentle in his spirit. He was not at all partizan in his 
views, and was always a friend of order and justice and peace. 
The occasion of the peculiar ferocity exhibited towards him is 
one of the many mysteries of this very mysterious affair. 
His wife could think of but one explanation. The children 
had a little toy flag stuck up on the shed in the back yard. 
She was of the opinion that this little flag, a few inches square, 
angered them and drew out the singular hate they manifested. 
James Ferine and James Eldridge were clerks in what was 
called the " Countr}^ Store, " kept by George Ford, who lived 
two blocks away. They were young men of about seventeen 
years of age. They slept in the store and had no opportunity 
to escape. A squad of the raiders came in and ordered them 
to open the safe. " They said the key was at the house." 
Some of the ruffians went with one of them to get the key, 
while the rest kept guard over the other. They promised to 
spare them both if they would open the safe for them. As 
soon as the key was brought and the safe thrown open, they 
shot them both and left them dead upon the floor. Mr. Burt 
was standing in front of his house when a squad rode up and 
demanded his money. He handed him his pocket book, and 
as the fellow took the pocket book with one hand, he shot Mr. 
Burt with the other. Mr. Murphj', a short distance up the 



2l6 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

same street, "was asked for a drink of water. He brought 
out the water, and as the ruffian took the cup with his left 
hand, he shot his benefactor with his right hand. Mr. Ellis, 
a German blacksmith, ran into some corn near his house, and 
took his little child with him. For a time he remained con- 
cealed, but after a while the child grew weary and began to 
cry. The ruffians outside hearing the cry, ran into the corn 
and killed the father, leaving the child in the dead father's 
arms. Mr. Albach, also a German, was sick in his bed. The 
ruffians came into the house and ordered it cleared at once 
that they might burn it. The family carried him out on the 
mattress and laid him in the yard. In a few moments some 
of them came out of the house and killed him in his bed. 

But even these atrocities Avere surpassed. Mr. D. W. Palmer 
kept a gun shop on Massachusetts street south of the business 
portion. It was a small wooden building and stood alone. 
He was so surrounded by them that it was not possible to es- 
cape and he was compelled to remain in his shop while they were 
doing their work. For quite a while he was not disturbed. 
Towards the last a gang of ruffians who had become drunk on 
the liquor they had found in the saloons of the town, came to 
the shop on their way out. Mr Palmer and another man were 
standing in the door of the shop, and they fired upon them 
wounding them both. They then set fire to the shop, and the 
shop being all of wood, without plastering, burned rapidly. 
While the shop was burning, the brutes took up the wounded 
men, bound their hands together and flung them into the flames. 
They rose to their feet and tried to come out from the fire, but 
their assailants pushed them back with their guns. After the 
bandages were burned from their wrists they threw up their 
hands and begged for mercy, but were answered only by shouts 
of derision from their merciless tormentors. As soon as the 
poor fellows were dead the brutes passed on with a shout of 
triumph, and joined their comrades who were now leaving the 
town. 




^f^'" '^ 




IttttiE^ 




■F^^::-. jn^ 


1^ 








^^ 




1 



DUDLEY C. HASKELL. 




FRANK A. BAILEY. 



CHAS. \V. SMITH. 



PAKLY MERCHANTS IN LAWKENCI?. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE RKHKIIIOX. 217 

Mr. J. W. Thornton, a laboring man, was awakened b}' the 
shooting all around him. He remained up stairs till Jiis house 
was on fire, and then came down and ran out and tried to es- 
cape. The ruffians fired at him and inflicted three ugly 
wounds in his hips. He still went on, however, but as he was 
trying to get over some bars into a yard, another ball struck 
him just back of the shoulder, and passed down the whole length 
of his back and came out at the hip. His wife ran to him and 
tried to protect him from further violence. One of the men 
sat on his horse over them, and finally got his pistol between 
the two and fired again, the ball grazing his eye and passing 
through his cheek. The fellow then cried "I can kill you," 
and began beating him over the head with the butt of his re- 
volver until the poor man fell senseless to the ground from 
sheer exhaustion. The brute not yet satisfied, leveled his re- 
volver to shoot again, but the wife flew at the man and pushed 
the revolver aside. The fellow soon left, supposing his victim 
to be dead. But strange to say the poor fellow, after being 
shot with six bullets, two of which always remained among the 
joints of the hips, and pounded over the head with a revolver, 
still lived for many years, a cripple and a great sufferer, yet 
able to get about and to do some sorts of work. 

Age was no protection, and many old people were brutally 
killed. Mr. Otis Lonley lived about a mile from town to the 
southwest. He was a quiet, peaceable christian man, about sixty 
years of age. He had never taken any special part in public 
affairs and certainly never could have given any offense by 
extreme views. He and his wife were a kindl\- couple living 
alone in a cottage on a little farm. Two of the pickets sta- 
tioned on the hill to watch the country, came down to their 
house. The wife, a charming old lady, begged them to be 
merciful. "We are old people" she said, "and cannot live 
long at the best." They paid no heed to her entreaties, but 
shot the old gentleman in the yard. The first shot not doing 



2l8 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

its work, they shot him again and again, until he was dead. 
They then attempted to burn the house, but by the energy of 
the old lad}' the house was saved. 

While the entreaties of women sometimes availed for the 
saving of property, they very seldom availed for the saving of 
life. In many cases men were shot with their wives clinging 
to them. Mr. George H. Sargent lived in a house on New 
Hampshire street. He came out in front and they at once as- 
sailed him. His wife clung to him and begged for his life. 
She tried to keep between them and him. But one of them 
at last shot by her so close that the passing ball burned her 
neck. The bullet struck him in the face and he fell mortally 
wounded. 

All the persons thus far named were private citizens, quiet 
and peaceable and moderate in their views and speech and 
action. None of them had been connected with the army, and 
none of them had been active in the early trouble. There 
could not possibly be any personal reason why any of them 
were attacked. In most cases the murderers could have known 
nothing whatever of them, as to who they were or what they 
were. They killed them simply because they found them in 
Lawrence, and they came to kill. 

The colored people were pursued with peculiar malignity, 
but they knew what they might expect from their old masters, 
and they all ran who could at the first alarm. As a result they 
fared better than the white people. One active young colored 
man ran at the first charge, and made for the Wakarusa river 
four miles south. In describing his flight, he said "the prairie 
just came to me." Reaching the Wakarusa he climbed into a 
tree to watch operations. After a while he was startled to see 
the whole troop coming away from town on the road which 
passed right under his tree. There was no getting away, so 
he concealed himself among the leaves and brances and luckily 
was not seen. He said "they were a mighty long while pass- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 219 

ing under hiiii." Most of the colored people who were killed 
were old and decrepid. "Old Uncle Frank" as he was called 
was about ninety }ears old. He was born in "Old Virginny." 
He said he was the first slave to come to Lawrence after the war 
opened the way. "When I was a slave I pray de Lord to let 
me go somewhere, so I could tend mcetin all I wanted to. 
And now de good Lord has answered my prayer." He was a 
short heavy set man, crippled with "rheumatiz," and com- 
pelled to hobble about on a cane. In spite of all this he 
would work, getting a job of chopping at one place and a job 
of hoeing at another. In this way he earned what little his 
simple habits required. He alwaj^s worked faithfully and did 
his work well. When the raiders came he was too lame to 
get out of their way. He was seen hobbling away and they 
shot him. He fell and they left him for dead. After a little 
when he thought himself unobserved, he got up and began to 
hobble off again. But some of them saw him and dashed up- 
on him and killed him. 

"Uncle Henry" was another decrepid old negro. He 
crawled into a barn and hid himself. He was discovered 
and killed and burned with the building. Old man Stone- 
street was a Baptist preacher among the colored people. He 
was about sixty years of age. He and another old negro 
'were together and were both killed. Anthony Oldham was 
another colored preacher. He was a man of fine character 
and was very highly regarded. He was shot in the doorway 
of his own house in the presence of his daughter. 

As a rule the raiders took good care of themselves. While 
full of bluster and brutality they were sh}' of danger. They 
came to kill and not to be killed. While tearing about like 
tigers among helpless people, they took good care to 
keep away from all places where resistance might be devel- 
oped. They were especially shy of brick and stone houses, 
and seldom entered one until they knew it was unguarded. 



220 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

Mr. A. K. Allen, an old gentleman, lived in a solid looking 
brick house. A gang of them came to his door and ordered 
him to come out. He replied, "No, but you come in if you 
want to see me. I am good for five of you. " For some rea- 
son they did not accept his invitation and he and his house 
were not molested any more. 

Ex-Governor Charles Robinson was an object of special 
search among them. He was one of the men they particu- 
larly wanted. During the whole time they were in town he 
was in his large stone barn on the hillside. He had just 
gone to the barn to get his team to drive out into the country, 
when he saw them come in and saw them make their first 
charge. He concluded to remain where he was. The barn 
overlooked the whole town, and he saw the affair from be- 
ginning to end. Gangs of raiders came by several times and 
looked at the barn and went round it, but it looked so much 
like a fort, that they kept out of range. 

On the opposite bank of the river there were twelve soldiers 
stationed for some sort of police duty on the Indian reserva- 
tion. When the raiders first came in they filled Massachusetts 
street right up to the river bank. But these boys in blue on 
the opposite side the river made free use of their minnie rilies 
and shot at ever}^ butternut that came in sight. Their minnie 
balls went screaming up the street and soon cleared the whole 
region along the river side. Two or three tiers of houses all 
around the ''bend of the river" were thus saved, as well as 
those who were fortunate enough to take refuge in them. 

There was a deep wooded ravine running almost through 
the center of the town, to which scores of men escaped. 
The raiders often chased men to the edge of this ravine, but 
never followed them into it. To their wholesome fear of some 
hidden foe, many a man owed his life. A large cornfield just 
west of the town was also full of refugees. The raiders came 
to the ediic of the field a number of times and looked in but 



TO THE CLOSE OK THE REBELLION. 221 

did not venture among the corn. Tliey asked a lady who lived 
just outside, " What there was in that cornfield." "Go and 
see, and ^•ou will find it the hottest place you were ever in." 
Having been in several times to carry water to the men, she 
could speak from experience as to its being a "hot place" on 
a warm summer morning. They put another meaning on her 
words, however, and did not care to make any personal ex- 
amination. Whenever they had occasion to pass by the 
wooded ravine or the cornfield, they were careful to keep at a 
safe distance. In like manner every little ravine and thicket 
about the outskirts of the town became a refuge to those who 
could reach them, for the raiders shunned them as if an am- 
bush lay in each one of them. Had they been as brave as 
♦they were brutal, and dashed into these hiding places, the 
number of victims would probably have been dovibled. But 
men who are brutal are seldom brave, and brave men are 
never brutes. 

There w^ere many remarkable escapes. Anything served for 
a hiding place in the stress, and often the least promising 
proved the most effective. Some fled to the cornfields near 
town, others to the " friendly brush " by the river bank. The 
cornfield to the west and the woods to the east were all alive 
with refugees. Many hid in what has since become "the 
park," but which was then a field of corn. Some who could 
get no further, laid among the plants and weeds of their own 
garden. Mr. Troy Strode, a colored blacksmith, had a little 
patch of tomato vines not more than ten feet square. He 
took his money and buried himself among the vines. The 
raiders came and burned his shop not more than ten feet from 
him, but did not discover him. Old Mr. Miner ran into the 
park and hid among the corn. Hearing a great racket near 
by, his curiosity got the better of his judgment, and he came 
to the edge of the corn to see what was going on. The}' 
saw him and began shooting, and he ran back into the corn. 



222 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

He heard them breaking down the fence and knew they were 
coming after him. He ran through the corn therefore and hid 
himself in a little patch of w-eeds beyond. They dashed 
through the corn after him, but not finding him where they ex- 
pected they turned back, never thinking to look into the bunch 
of weeds at their feet where their horses must almost have 
stepped on him. 

Near the center of the town was a sort of out-door cellar 
with an obscure entrance. A woman whose name has not been 
preserved, but who ought to be put on record as o'ne of the 
heroines of the day, stationed herself at a convenient distance 
from the entrance to this cave. Every poor fugitive that came 
near she directed to this hiding place. Thus eight or ten had 
escaped their pursuers and disappeared they knew not how 
nor where. Pinding at last they alwa3's disappeared after 
passing this woman, they began to suspect that she had some- 
thing to do with it. They came upon her in a blustering way 
and demanded to know the place of their hiding. She calmly 
refused to tell them. One of them drew his revolver and aim- 
ing at her said with an oath: "Tell me or I will shoot you." 
Looking him in the eye she said softly but firmly: "You may 
shoot me if you will, but you will not find out where the men 
are." Finding they could not intimidate her they turned away 
and the men remained safe to the end. 

John Bergen was wounded and taken off with six or eight 
other prisoners. After taking them a short distance their 
captors shot all of them dead except Mr. Bergen. He had 
fallen and was lying down exhausted from loss of blood, and 
the^y probably supposed him dead already. He now lay among 
the dead feigning death. After a little a ruffian came up and 
seeing he was yet alive aimed at his head and fired. He felt 
the ball pass and instantly dropped his head. The man 
thought from this he had finished his work and rode off. His 
head was now brought under the body of a young man who 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 223 

had been killed with the rest. The mother came soon after 
to wash the blood from her dead boy's face. As she began to 
lift him, Mr. Bergen begged her to let him remain there as his 
only hope of life was in lying under the dead body. The 
mother laid her boy gently back where he was, and left them 
there together, the dead protecting the living from death. 

Hon. Samuel A Riggs, district attorney, was set upon by 
one of the most pitiless wretches in the whole troop. He 
encountered him in the street in front of his house. His wife 
ran out and stood by his side. A few words passed between 
them, when the man drew his revolver and took aim. Mr. 
Riggs knocked the revolver aside and ran. The man whirled 
his horse and started after him. Mrs. Riggs instantly seized 
the bridle rein and clung to it till she was dragged around the 
house, over a wood pile, through the back yard and round to 
the street again. Mr. Riggs was not 3^et out of sight and the 
man took aim again. Mrs. Riggs seized the other rein and 
whirled the horse about and clung to him till Mr. Riggs was 
out of reach. All this time the man was swearing at her in 
the vilest fashion, beating her over the head and arms with 
his revolver, and threatening to shoot her. 

Perhaps the most remarkable escape was that of Rev. H. 
D. Fisher. Mr. Fisher had been pastor of the Methodist 
church in Lawrence, and for some months had been chaplain 
of a Kansas regiment doing service in Missouri. For this and 
other reasons he was one of the men the raiders particularly 
wanted. He was at this time at home for a few days and the 
raiders knew of this fact. As soon as he heard their charge 
on the town, he started out for a place of safely. He soon 
saw he had little chance of escaping by flight, and returned to 
the house and hid himself in the cellar. It was not many 
minutes before his house was surrounded, and they came in 
and demanded that his wife tell them where he was. Of 
course she would not tell. They then said they knew he was 



224 ■*" HISTORY (>K LAW RKNCF, 

in the house and they would find him. They insisted that he 
was in the cellar. She lit a lamp for them, and told them to 
go down and see for themselves. The cellar was unfinialied, 
being only partly excavated. He had climbed upon a bank 
and was lying in a drain by the farther wall. They searched 
the cellar, held the lamp up to the bank so that it shone in 
his face, but it did not reveal him to them. The}' went up 
and still insisted that he was certainly in the house, and they 
would smoke him out. They began to kindle fires about the 
house, and Mrs. Fisher put them out as they lit them. But 
the fires grew too man\- for her, and it was evident the house 
must be burned. They then went out and stood round the 
fence waiting for him to come out as they knew he soon must. 
Mrs. Fisher kept pouring water over the spot where Mr. 
Fisher was lying to keep the fire from him as long as possible. 
At last she whispered to him that she could do no more, and 
he must get out in some way. The cellar had a small window- 
right by the kitchen door, so ]\Ir. Fisher crawled out at this 
window, his wife threw a carpet over him, and rolled him up 
in it and dragged the whole bundle into the yard, and threw 
it under a peach tree. Then she brought out other pieces of 
furniture and piled around it, and there the\' were all left. 
The raiders meanwhile were yelling and screaming all around 
the place, watching for him to appear. Tli<\' <Vm\ not h^axc 
till the house was consumed. 

Some saved themselves by their ready wit. An officer in 
the camp of recruits which was fired upon at the first charge, 
ran for his life. Several horsemen gave chase, firing at him 
as they followed. Finding escape impossible he dashed into 
the shanty of a colored family, seizing a dress that was hang- 
ing on the wall, he threw it over him and putting on the 
woman's sunbonnet, he went out at the back door and de- 
liberately walked away. His pursuers burst in at the front 
door as he went out, and searched the house. Thev ditl not 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 225 

find him of course, but never thought of questioning tlie old 
woman who walked out as they came in. 

A son of John Speer hid himself under a sidewalk. The fire 
soon drove him from his hiding place into the street which 
was full of raidejTS. He went boldly up to some of them and 
offered his services in holding their horses. They asked him 
his name, and thinking the name of John Speer might be too 
familiar, he answered "John Smith." Under that name he 
remained among them till they left and was not harmed. 

One man was shot at as he was running awa}', and fell head- 
long into a gutter. His wife thinking him dead began to 
scream and wring her hands. From her grief the raiders 
thought her husband was dead and rode off. As soon as they 
were gone the man said: "Don't take on so, wife, I don't 
know that I am hit at all." And so it proved to be. The 
cashier of the Lawrence bank crawled under a sidewalk. Near- 
by was an old colored man who had sought the same refuge. 
Being a pious old man, he called mightily upon God to save 
him. His cries could be heard half a block away. The cashier 
suggested to him that "the Lord would hear him just as well if 
he did not pray quite so loud, and the raiders couldn't." He 
hushed for a minute, but soon began to "cry aloud" again. 
The cashier thought it prudent to find a quieter, if less pious 
hiding place. 

Mr. Winchell, being hard pressed, ran into the house of 
Dr. Charles Reynolds, formerly rector of the Episcopal church. 
The doctor was away from home, a chaplain in the army. 
Mrs. Reynolds and two other ladies were in the house. The}'^ 
at once set their wits at work to devise a plan for saving Mr. 
Winchell in case the raiders came to the house. They 
finally hit upon a plan which proved successful. Getting a 
razor they shaved off the man's whiskers, put a lady's wrap- 
per over him, and tied an old woman's cap on his head. 
They then placed him in an invalid chair with a stand beside 

15 



226 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

it, covered with cups and spoons and medicine bottles. 
One of the ladies sat by ^is side fanning him. This was 
to be their "Aunt Betsie," very ill. It was not long before 
a band of the raiders came in. The ladies bade them take 
anything they could find, but begged them to be as quiet as 
possible, so as not to disturb "Poor Aunt Betsie." They 
helped themselves to what they wanted, looked suspiciously 
several times at the invalid chair, but finally went away 
without disturbing the poor invalid. 

The women of Lawrence always proved themselves heroes 
when the occasion presented itself. Their brave deeds and 
shrewd devices did very much to lessen the calamity of the 
raid. Their courage and vigilance were a marked feature of 
that terrible day. It was said that Quantrill made the remark 
"that the women of Lawrence were a brave lot, but the men 
were a set of 'blank' cowards." The fact that the women 
had nothing worse to fear than brutal oaths and vile threats, 
while the men knew they would be shot at sight, possibly had 
something to do with the difference, but the conduct of the 
women was worthy of all praise. Some of them by their tact 
and ingenious conversation diverted the ruffians till their hus- 
bands had made good their escape. Often they met the 
raiders at the gate and entertained them with bright and witty 
talk. Others boldly faced them and extinguished the fires as 
they were kindled. But for this the number of houses burned 
would have been doubled. In fact there would have been 
very few houses left. One woman hid her husband in a safe 
place in the house. The raiders set fire to the house and re- 
mained near by to see it burn. She did not dare extinguish 
the fire for fear they would come in again and make sure work 
of it. So she kept it smouldering and smoking until they 
moved away. Then she extinguished it. 

The house of Mr. F. W. Read was visited some seven times, 
and fire kindled three or four times. Each time Mrs. Read 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 227 

extinguished the flames. The last gang swore the house 
should be burned. One of the ruffians seized Mrs. Reid by 
the wrists, and held her fast while the rest kindled the fire. 
They piled up broken chairs and other things by the window, 
and set fire to them. They waited till the whole window and 
window frame were in flames. They then released her and 
told her with an oath "to put that out if she could." The 
moment they were gone she seized an armful of blankets and 
holding them before her, threw herself with all her force 
against the burning window, and knocked the burning sash 
and frame clear out into the street. She then easily extin- 
guished the rest. She was badly burned but she saved the 
house. 

Just north of Mr. Read's on New Hampshire street lived 
Mr. L. Bullene. He was in New York buying goods, and 
Mrs. Bullene and her children were at home. A sister of Mr. 
Bullene, afterwaffds Mrs. Major Warner, of Kansas City, was 
with them. New Hampshire street being next east of Massa- 
chusetts street, was full of raiders continually. They made the 
Bullene house a sort of rendezvous. Captain Bill Todd came 
in with a lot of men and ordered breakfast. Captain Todd 
promised that the house should not be burned. Other bands 
came and wanted breakfast and Mrs. Bullene cooked for them 
as long as anything was left in the house. The two ladies dis- 
played consummate skill in getting them into conversation 
and diverting them. One raider called for a drink of milk. 
When they brought it he compelled them to drink of it first. 
Then a band came in and said they must burn the house. Mrs. 
Bullene said "you must help me carry out my invalid mother." 
As soon as they looked into the room where the old lady was, 
they were touched by her pale and feeble look, and went away. 
Another band insisted on burning the house, and Mrs. Bullene 
assured them that Cap<:ain Todd had ordered it spared. "In 
that case we will not burn it, we obey orders." Though con- 



228 A HISTORY OK LAWRENCE 

stantly overrun by them it escaped the torch, and was the only 
house left standing in that neighborhood. William L. Bullene 
the son, was a lad old enough to take it all in, but too young 
to think of being in danger himself. He was out among them 
all the time in front of the house. He saw the whole thing in 
the very center of it. He saw nine men killed. Young John 
Speer was killed not far from him. The man who first shot 
him had an American flag tied to the tail of his horse, dragging 
in the dirt. Young Speer fell and lay as if dead, but was not 
seriously hurt. Soon another came along and shot the boy 
through the head. One of them a little later drew a revolver 
on young Bullene, but his mother seized the fellow's arm and 
pushed him back. The raiders dropped two guns in the yard, 
which young Bullene picked up and kept as mementoes of the 
day. One was a musket, the other a shot gun. 

Young Bullene witnessed one very remarkable escape. 
There was a recruiting ofifice on Massachusetts street just 
across from their house. The officer in charge found himself 
shut in when the raiders came. He could not stav in his office 
and to show himself in his uniform was to invite death. The 
building which his office was in ran back to the alle}' just in 
front of Mr. Bullene's house. It was a cheap wooden extension 
standing on blocks. The officer went to the rear end, and 
slipping out, crawled under the building. But the building 
was soon on fire and he must leave. New Hampshire street 
was full of horsemen and there was no place to conceal him- 
self. There was nothing to be done but to dash through them 
and take his chances. He dared not attempt that in his uni- 
form. So he threw off all but his shirt and drawers, then ran 
for his life across the street. Every man that saw him run- 
ning shot at him, and the bullets rattled about him like hail. 
But he dashed through it all to the rear of the Bullene house, 
where young Bullene disguised him in wf)nian's clothes and he 
remained safe to the end. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 229 

Another singular event occured right licre, showing the 
power of imagination and fright. A young printer was stay- 
ing in the same house with Mr. Sargent. He came out of the 
house and a number of the raiders fired at him. He fell head- 
long and they supposed him dead. He himself supposed he 
was mortally wounded, and made no attempt to rise. He lay 
so close to the burning house that he was nearly roasted. Yet 
he did not stir and those who saw him left him never thinking 
he was alive. After it was all over some friends came to re- 
move him, and found him still living. They asked him where 
he was hurt, but he could not tell them. He did not know, 
but thought he was badly wounded. They looked him over 
carefully, and found he had not received a scratch. He was 
so badly burned, however, that he had to be carried away in a 
sheet, and was several weeks before he recovered. The 
strange thing is that he all the while supposed he was danger- 
ously wounded. 

Many men escaped by a very narrow margin. Mr. Gurdon 
Grovenor lived at the corner of Berkley and New Hampshire 
streets. He was standing on his porch when one of them rode 
up within ten feet of him and snapped his revolver in his face. 
He aimed it again and a second time it missed fire. Just then 
some more of them came up and the leader compelled the 
ruffian to desist. He advised Mr. Grovenor to keep out of 
sight. That was not an easy thing to do as the house was on 
fire. But he hid in the back cellar as long as he could, and 
then kept in background as much as possible. 

General Lane was naturally in demand among them. They 
seemed to know he was in town, and were determined to get 
him. General Lane also knew they were in town and were 
looking for him. Before the}' reached his house he slipped 
out and went into the cornfield just back of his house. Lest 
they should suspect this, he passed through the field and went 
on 

"Ovei-the liills and far away."' 



230 A HISTORY OK LAWRENCK 

They were soon at his door and were met by Mrs. Lane. 
"They wanted to see the general." She told them "he was 
not in." They broke up his furniture, smashed the piano, and 
then set the house on fire. On leaving Quantrill tipped his 
hat to Mrs. Lane, and "wished her to give his compliments to 
General Lane and tell him he would have been very glad to 
meet him." Mrs. Lane assured him that "Mr. Lane would 
be no less glad to meet him under different circumstances, but 
it was not convenient that morning." 

The number left wounded was very small. In battle the 
wounded outnumber the killed some three to one. In this 
slaughter the killed outnumbered the wounded five to one. 
Only about thirty were left wounded, while one hundred and 
fifty were left dead. They came to kill, not to cripple. Most 
of those wounded were left for dead, and lived either by feign- 
ing death, or recovering from wounds which are usually fatal. 
They intended to finish their work every time. If the first 
shot did not do its work a second was fired, and sometimes a 
dozen. Sometimes they returned and fired into a heap of 
dead bodies, lest some of them might still be living. When- 
ever they passed a body they thought showed signs of life, they 
would pour into it some more lead. One of the most brutal 
features of the whole affair was their treatment of the wounded. 
They would fire charge after charge into a man, and return 
again and again till they felt sure the work was completed. 
In spite of all this a few of the wounded survived and recovered. 
The few slighth' wounded were those shot on the run, or able 
to run before the fatal shot. 

How long this went on is only a matter of conjecture. If 
any man noted the time of Quantrill's coming or going, he has 
kept the matter a profound secret as far as the writer of this 
has ever heard. A very close estimate can be made, liowever. 
When they came in the flash of the pistols couUl be plainly 
seen, jx-t their dress and carriage could be readily noted. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 23I 

At the season of the year this condition would indicate that it 
was not far from five o'clock. From many circumstances it is 
evident that they left about nine o'clock. This scene of 
slaughter and burning, therefore, went on for four hours. 
They took their time to it and did thorough work. During 
these four hours the work of destruction and death went on 
unchecked. The business street was burned first, and then 
the destruction was carried to the furtherest limits. Very few 
houses were omitted except those along the river bank, which 
were omitted because of the squad of soldiers across the river 
who kept firing at everyone who came in sight. About 
nine o'clock they began to leave all parts of the town at once 
and to come together at the center. It is supposed they got 
knowledge of the coming of Major Plumb, who was on his 
way from Kansas City with a body of mounted troops. By 
some concerted signal they were all notified, and they left 
their murdering and their burning and came together, and be- 
gan to move off in a body. It was not all over yet, however. 
As they were receding in the south part of town, one of their 
number not satisfied with his share in the bloody work, gal- 
loped back to the City hotel where the Eldridge house 
prisoners had been kept. Thinking themselves now safe they 
were out in front of the house. The brute galloped up and 
fired several shots into the crowd, killing the landlord, Mr. 
Stone, and wounding two others. He then whirled his horse 
and galloped back. He had miscalculated his chances, 
however. A son of John Speer, two of whose brothers were 
dead, had just picked up a loaded rifle which one of the 
raiders had dropped. Seeing the fellow hurrying off he 
leveled the gun and fired and brought him to the ground. 
This was said to be " Elder Scraggs," the hard-shell preacher, 
who was the hardest of all that hard company. It was said 
that his motive in going back was to fill out his number. 
"He had killed twelve and he wanted to kill thirteen." But 



232 A mSTORV OK LAWRENCK 

SO many claimed the tliirteen limit that the whole idea was 
probably an after invention. Another motive assigned is more 
probable. This was that he was dissatisfied with Quantrill 
for keeping faith with the Eldridge House prisoners and 
protecting them. 





JOSIAII C. TRASK. S. M. THORPE. 

gUANTKILL KAID VICTIMS SHOT DOWN TOGETHER. 



CHAPTER XVI 

The Lawrencf. Raid.— Thk Departukk and the Pursuit. — 
The Scene Left Behind. — The Burial of the Dead. — 
The Ruin and the Lt)ss.— Sympathy and Help. — Re- 
nuiLDiNG 1 HE Town. 

Quantrill did not go out by the way he came in. He came 
in from the east passing through Franklin. After four hours 
of slaughter and burning they seemed to leave the work in all 
parts at once, and come together as by some common signal. 
They had become aware that Major Plumb was approaching 
from the east with a body of troops. They could not return 
the wa)' they came without meeting him. To avoid this they 
struck out directly south, crossing the Wakarusa at Blanton's 
bridge. They kept up their work of destruction as they went 
awa}^ burning most of the farm houses which they passed. 
The farmers themselves had had warning and kept out of their 
way. The last murder was one of the most shocking of the 
whole list. About ten miles from Lawrence they came to the 
house of Mr. Rotlirock, a Dunkard preacher. A gang of them 
turned aside at his house, went in and demanded breakfast. 
The women folks cooked them a good breakfast which they 
eat with relish. Mr. Rothrock was an old gentleman, quiet 
and peaceable, and very highl)- respected by his neighbors. 
He was about the house when they came in, and having no sus- 
picion of personal harm, he remained around while they staid. 
After a while they began to inquire of the women serving 
them, who that old gentleman was? They told them his 
name, and said he was a preacher among them. "Oh! we in- 
tend to kill all the preachers." With tliat the fellow 

siiot the old gentleman and left him for dead. The\' then 
went out and galloped on to overtake the main body. This 



234 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

was the last of their depredations, for their pursuers soon after 
overtook them, and they had all they could do to take care of 
themselves. 

As soon as Quantrill began to move off, the men in town be- 
gan to come in from their hiding places, and country people 
began to come in from outside. Many of these last were 
mounted and had guns of one kind or another. As they began 
to gather on the street corners wondering what to do, Senator 
Lane, or as the boys called him, "Jim Lane," came dashing 
down Henry street, shouting, "Let us follow them boys, let 
us follow them." A small company of these mounted farmers 
soon gathered about him, and they proceeded by the road 
Quantrill had taken. 

They were enabled to follow the trail of Quantrill's men by 
the burning houses along their line of march. From the 
Wakarusa to where they were overtaken, a line of smoking 
ruins marked their track. The pursuers followed rapidly and 
overtook the rear guard of Quantrill's force at Brooklyn on 
the old Santa Fe road, about twelve miles south of Lawrence. 
As they came up a gang of the enemy were on the point of 
burning the house of Thadeus Prentiss. On seeing the pur- 
suers they desisted and hurried on. The main body was in 
plain sight going along the Ft. Scott road. After this there 
was no more burning. The raiders were compelled to keep 
in a compact body, and to hurry on as fast as they could. 
The pursuing force was not sufficient to attack, but it was suf- 
ficient to prevent further mischief. 

It is now necessary to go back and trace up another line of 
events connected with the pursuit. When Quantrill crossed 
the state line the night before, he was seen by the federal 
pickets who reported his movements at once to Captain J. A. 
Pike who was in command of a small force at .\ul)rey, some 
eight or ten miles north. Quantrill crossed the state line 
about five o'clock, and Captain Pike received the word about 



^^^ 



iii^^iiiiysKi^iii 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 235 

half past six. As quickly as horses could be saddled, mes- 
sengers were dispatched to headquarters at Kansas City, 
about thirty miles distant. The messengers reached Kansas 
City a little after nine o'clock in the evening. General Thomas 
E. Ewing, the commander of the post, was at Leavenworth 
and the command devolved on Major P. B. Plumb. He got 
together four companies of mounted men and started for Law- 
rence about midnight. At nine o'clock the next morning they 
were twelve or fifteen miles from Lawrence. Quantrill seems 
to have become aware of their approach, and started off in 
another direction towards the south by a route which would 
take him some ten miles from Plumb's line of approach. 
Major Plumb, however, soon learned of Quantrill's change of 
direction probably from the smoke of burning houses which 
marked his line of departure. Instead of keeping on to Law- 
rence, therefore, struck across the prairie towards the south 
to intercept the guerrillas on their way. 

The Lawrence pursuers meanwhile were at Brooklyn, with 
the main body of Quantrill's men in full view on the prairie. 
Here Lane halted, lined up his men and counted off. He had 
thirty-live men. He sent a messenger back to Lawrence to 
say that "they had overtaken them, and for all citizens to 
come forward as fast as possible." He then placed Lieuten- 
ant John K. Rankin, who had joined them about a mile south 
of Lawrence, in command of the company. He said it would 
be madness for this handful of farmers to attack the main 
body of Quantrill's men on the open prairie. He said: "We 
will march on their left flank towards Prairie City, and try and 
join the militia there." After proceeding a mile or two, they 
were met by Mr. George Wood, of Black Jack, who came 
dashing up on horseback. After saluting, he said to Senator 
Lane: " Major Plumb is over there with two hundred and 
fifty men." On looking in the direction Wood pointed 
Plumb's men were in plain sight about half a mile to the 



236 A HISTORY OK KAWRKNCE 

east. Senator Lane replied: "Tell Major Plumb, yuaiitrill 
is just on the other side of this cornfield. We will attack him 
at once. Tell him to come forward as quickly as possible." 
As soon as the messenger had wheeled about and was returning 
to Major Plumb, Senator Lane ordered Lieutenant Rankin to 
charge upon the enemy who were on the opposite side of the 
cornfield on the Ft. Scott road, moving at a brisk pace. Lieu- 
tenant Rankin ordered a charge and the}- all dashed forward. 
Rankin's company had other weak points besides its small 
numbers. They were mounted on all sorts of steeds, and 
armed with all sorts of weapons. There were saddle horses 
of fair speed, dray horses, mules and colts. Lieutenant Ran- 
kin rode a fiery steed who dashed ahead at a breakneck pace. 
The rest followed each in his own gait. Before he had gone 
half a mile Lieutenant Rankin looked about and found he was 
all alone. The rest were straggling along behind hiiu for half 
the distance he had come. As soon as he could bring his own 
fierce charger to a halt, he turned about. He concluded that 
no very effective charge could be made with the force at his 
disposal. While he was awaiting the coming up of his men, 
two companies of Major Plumb's force passed him on the 
gallop, and disappeared down a lane leading to the road on 
which Quantrill was marching. He saw it would be impossi- 
ble to bring his straggling band into the impending fight. He 
ordered one of those who came up to him to remain, and have 
the men come forward as fast as their proiiiiscous mounts 
would permit. He then galloped after the two companies who 
had just passed him. .\s he passed out of the lane he came 
upon side-saddles, bolts of calico and other goods which Quan- 
trill's men had dropped of their plunder, in their hasty flight. It 
seems Plumb had divided his force into two parts, one to join 
Lane and attack the enemy in the rear, while he led the other 
part to the left by the way of Prairie Cit}- to protect that town, 
and head off Quantrill in that direction. Lieutenant Rankin 



TO THK CI.OSK OK IHE REBELLION'. 237 

came up with the first body just as the officer in command of tlie 
advance company had ordered a charge. This company was 
deployed as skirmishers while the other moved in column. 
They charged rapidly down the road, and were soon on Quan- 
trill's rear guard, which they pressed closely till they reached 
the farm of Josiah Fletcher. Here a cornfield stood across the 
old prairie road, and a new road had been broken around tlie 
field to the right. Quantrill's men went round the field by 
this new road, followed closely by the skirmishers. Lieuten- 
ant Rankin knew that the road bore to the east beyond the field, 
and he suggested to the officer in command of the company 
in column, that if they would go up through Fletcher's corn- 
field, they would come upon the enemy's flank as they were 
passing along south of the field. The suggestion was adopted, 
and the company dashed through the corn. When they came 
to the fence on the other side of the field, they saw Quantrill's 
men draw up in line, a little distance in advance, at the mouth 
of a lane. Senator Lane now came up and he and Lieu- 
tenant Rankin shouted to the men: "Throw the fence and 
charge; throw the fence and charge." They themselves 
leaped from their horses and began throwing the fence. Just 
then the officer in command of the company shouted: "Dis- 
mount boys, and give them a round or two with your Burnsides 
at three hundred 3'ards. " The order was promptly obeyed. As 
soon as the men began to dismount and prepare to fire, Quan- 
trill's men answered with a shout and came swooping down 
upon them, yelling and shooting as they came. The horses 
of the union men stampeded, the line gave wa}^ and the com- 
pany fell back to the other side of the field. Lane and Ran- 
kin urged the officer to remount his men, and attack them 
again. By the time the men were remounted. Major Plumb came 
up with the other two companies, and the whole body moved 
forward together. When they again reached the other side 
of the field, they found that Quantrill had taken advantage of 



238 A HISTORY or LAWRENCE 

the delay and was rapidh' moving on, his heavily laden horses 
in the advance, while his fighting men were in the rear ready 
to charge back whenever the pursuit became too close. In 
this skirmish the troops fired a round or two, and Quantrill's 
men fired a large number of shots, but no one seems to have 
been hurt. The Lawrence part of the pursuit ceased here, 
and the military took full charge. This was about one o'clock 
in the afternoon. They followed all the rest of the day, till 
night overtook them not far from Paola. Both parties halted 
with the darkness. But Quantrill's men disappeared in the 
night and escaped to their hiding places, leaving their pur- 
suers'in full possession of the open prairie. 

If it seem incredible that three hundred armed desperadoes 
should be able to pass over forty miles of Kansas territory by 
night, and pounce upon a town like Lawrence without warn- 
ing at day-break, it seems even more incredible that the same 
men, having accomplished their purpose, destroyed the town 
and murdered its people, should be able to march leisurely 
back over fifty miles of the same territory, with two hundred 
and fift}- mounted troops following closely on their heels. 
Nothing seemed lacking to make the calamity as great and the 
humiliation as complete as it could be. Lawrence was struck 
down without being able to strike a blow, and her destroyers 
escaped almost without the loss of a man. 

The scene the raiders left behind them was sad and sicken- 
ing. The buildings on Massachusetts street were all burned 
except one, and that had been ransacked and robbed, and two 
boys lay dead upon the floor. The fires were still glowing in 
the cellars. The brick and stone walls were still standing 
bare and blackened. The cellars between looked like great 
caverns with furnaces glowing in the depths. The dead lay 
all along the street, some of them so charred that they could 
not be recognized, and could scarcely be taken up. Here and 
there among the embers could be seen the bones of those who 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 239 

had perished in the buildings and been consumed where they 
fell. About the ruins of the Republican printing office might 
be seen the editor, John Speer, raking among the embers in 
the cellar searching for the bones of his boy. One of his boys 
was dead, another could not be found. He had slept, as his 
father supposed, in the printing office up-stairs in the north- 
east corner. The father thought he must have perished where 
he lay, and searched for him under where he knew his bed 
had been. But he could find no signs of the body, and no 
signs of the boy were ever found. As one passed along the 
street, the sickening odor of burning flesh was oppressive. 
Sights of horror met him at every turn. Around one corner 
lay seventeen bodies. Back of a livery stable on Henry street 
lay five bodies piled in a heap. Going over the town one saw 
the dead ever}' where, on the sidewalks, in the streets, among 
the weeds in the gardens, and in the few remaining homes. 
The women were going about carr3'ing water to the wounded, 
and covering the dea^ with sheets. To protect the wounded 
from the burning sun, they sometimes spread an umbrella 
over them, and sometimes made a canopy with a sheet or a 
shawl. The men were hurrying about gathering up the dead, 
and hearing them to the old Methodist church on Vermont 
street, which was taken as a sort of morgue. Now and then 
one came across a group, a mother and her children watching 
their dead beside the ashes of their home. A little later there 
could be seen a woman sitting among the ashes of a building, 
holding in her hands a blackened skull, fondling it and 
kissing it, and crying piteously over it. It was the skull of 
her husband, who was burned with the building. But there 
was not much weeping and not much wailing. It was beyond 
all that. It was too deep and serious for tears or lamenta- 
tions. All addressed themselves to the sad work that had to 
be done. 

No one realized the extent of the disaster until it was over. 



240 A HISTORY OF LAWRENXE 

Every man was so isolated by the presence of the raiders" in 
every part of the town, that each knew onl}- what he saw. 
The magnitude of the disaster was beyond the wildest thought 
of even those who were in the midst of it. Almost everyone 
was startled when the extent of the affair began to reveal it- 
self. Besides the buildings on the business street, about one 
hundred houses had been burned, and probably as many more 
had been set on fire and saved by the heroic exertions of the 
women. Most of the houses not burned were robbed. Every 
house had its tale of horror or of a marvelous escape. So 
many were dead that the first salutation on meeting an old 
friend was, "Why, are you alive?" Every living man seemed 
to have come up from the dead. 

The burial of the dead began at once and continued till all 
were laid awa)'. There were no coffins to be had. There 
was lumber in some of the }ards, and among the ruins of the 
hardware stores was found an abundance of burnt nails which 
were made to serve. Many carpenters thad been killed, and 
most of those who remained had lost their tools. But they 
managed to get tools enough to cut up the boards that re- 
mained in the lumber yards, and they fastened the boards to- 
gether into boxes with the burnt nails they gathered out of 
the fires in the cellars. Many had to be buried without the 
formality of even a box. Fifty-three were laid side by side in 
one long trench. A record was kept and the bodies could be 
identified by their numbers, whenever the name was known. 
Most of the dead were buried in the cemetery on the hill west 
of town. But many were buried in private yards with the 
thought of removing them later on. The work of burying oc- 
cupied several days, and it was at least a week before it was 
all done. Not much else was done or thought of until this first 
work was over. It was at least a week before all the dead 
were found. The remains of Mr. E. P. Fitch, for example, 
who was consumed with his home, were not found for several 




R. C. DIX, 

First Blacksmith and Cairiiise Mff! 





E. A. SMITH, 

Casliier First Bank of Issue in State. 




RE\'. JOHN S. BKOWN, 

Earlv I'aslor rnilarian Cliurcli. 



C. S. DIN' AN, 

(jiMicral Mci'clianl. 



p:akly KANSAS settl?:ks 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION, 24I 

lays, though diligent search was made. At last a young lady 
,vho was living with the family discovered them. She had 
3een going to the ruins every day to search for them. The 
[amily did not know what she went for. They only noticed 
:hat she came in weeping every time she returned. One 
lay she found the charred bones among the hot ashes. She 
jot down into the cellar and took them out with her hands 
3ne by one, and tenderly laid them together. They were so 
not that her hands were all burned and blistered when her 
sad work was done. Thus they kept finding the dead for 
several daj's. Some that were missing were never found, and 
possibly some were killed of whom no one knew. 

Religious services were held for the dead whenever this 
was possible. Sometimes it was in the homes, sometimes on 
the street corner, and sometimes beside the grave in the cem- 
stery. When the fift3'-three were laid in one long trench, the 
minister stood at the head of the trench and offered a prayer. 
It was a week of almost uninterrupted funeral services. The 
whole population were engaged in burying the dead. Little 
else could be done and Jittle else could be thought of. 

The Sabbath after the raid a service was held in the old 
stone Congregational church. There was a large congrega- 
tion, mostly women and children. They were most of them 
dressed in the clothes they hastily put on the morning of the 
raid. Not many saved anything else. The men were in their 
working clothes. Some of them were in their shirt sleeves, 
not having saved even a coat. The women came, some in 
sunbonnets, some in hoods, some with handkerchiefs or shawls 
over their heads. It deepened the impressiveness of the scene 
to remember that a large portion of the women and children, 
were newly made widows and orphans. Rev. G. C. Morse, 
of Emporia, brother-in-law of Judge Carpenter, who was 
killed, assisted the pastor in the service. There were no re- 
marks made, for no one felt like talking. There was simply 

16 



242 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

a Psalm read and a pra3'er offered, and the congregation dis- 
missed. The Psalm read was the seventy-ninth, which 
seemed to have been written for the occasion: *'0 God, the 
heathen are come into thine inheritance. They have laid 
Jerusalem in heaps. The dead bodies of thy servants have 
they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, and the 
flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood 
have shed they like water round about Jerusalem, and there 
was none to bur}' them." 

No complete list of the dead has ever been made out. 
Many bodies had to be buried among the "unkncwn dead." 
Some who were known were not reported. In the shock and 
confusion of the hour, no systematic record was kept even of 
names that could then have been obtained. A little later 
when an attempt was made to do this, there had been so many 
changes and so many of the broken families had moved away, 
that it was only possible to make out a partial list of names. 

The first list below contains the names of the seventeen re- 
cruits for the Kansas Fourteenth who were shot at the first 
charge. They were under the command of Second Lieuten- 
ant L. J. Beam, who had gone to Leavenworth on business the 
day before. They had been recruited but a short time. They 
had drawn clothing, camp equipzrge and tents, but had not been 
mustered in nor armed. They were dressed in United States 
clothing the morning of the raid. . But for this distinctive 
mark they probably would have fared better. They were just 
rising as the charge was made, and only five of the twenty- 
two made their escape. Lieutenant Beam always regretted 
that he was not with them, as he thought he might have done 
something towards organizing them for defense. After the 
raid Lieutenant Beam rapidly recruited another lot of men, 
and went into the Kansas Fifteenth with the same rank, second 
lieutenant, but was promoted until he became major of the 
regiment. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION, 



243 



The second list contains the names of citizens killed, as far 
as now known. 

Names of seventeen recruits killed from a total of twenty- 
two: 



Anderson, C. 
Allen, Charles R. 
Cooper, James F. 
Green, John R. 
Griswold, Walter B. 
Halderman, Aaron 
Markle, David 
Markle, Lewis 
Markle, Samuel 



Parker, Asbiiry 
Parker, Isaac 
Riggs, Charles F. 
Speer, Robert 
Watson, John 
Waugh, William A. 
Wilson, James 
Woods, Andrew 



Albach, George 

Allen, E. 

Alwes, — 

Anderson, John 

Allison, D. C. 

Argel, — 

Allen, Clay (col.) 

Bell, Capt. Geo. W. 

Bowers, Samuel 

Brechtlesbauer, James 

Brant, — 

Burt, George 

Burns, Dennis, 

Burns, Michael, 

Carpenter, Judge Louis 

Coates, George 

Collamore, Gen. George W 

Crane, John L. 

Cloud, Charles 

Cooper, James, 



NAMES OF CITIZENS KILLED: 

Coleman, L. D. 
Cornell, — 
Dix, Ralph C. 
Dix, Stephen H. 
Dyre, Uncle Frank 
Dulinsky, Sylvester 
Ehles, August 
Eldridge, James 
Ellis, — (col.) 
Evans, John 
Engler, Carl 
Englesman, — 
Fitch, Edward P. 
Fillmore, Lemuel 
Frawley, John 
Frank, Joseph 
Fritch. S. H. 
Giebal, Anthony 
Gentry, — 
Green, John 



244 



A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 



Gates, Levi 
Gill, John 
Griswold, Dr. J. F. 
Grisvvold, Abner 
Griswold, Watt 
Gregg, — 
Hendrix, — 
Hay, Chester 

H , Cal 

Holmes, Nathan 
Johnson. M. 
Johnson, Ben 
Jones, Samuel 
Kimball, Fred 
Keefe, Pat. 
Klaus, William 
Klaus, Fred 
Kleffer, W. M. R. 
Lawrie, John 
Lawrie, William 
Leonard, Christopher 
Lambert, — 
Little, John 
Limboch, Henry 
,Laner, Christian 
Longley, Otis 
Loomis, Rich. 
Lowe, Joseph 

McClellan, 

McFadden, J. 
Martin, R. 
Murphy, Dennis 
Makin, Michael 

Martha, 

Meeky, M. 



McFarland, — 
Nathan, W. 

Oldham, Anthony (col.) 
Oehrle, — 
O'Neil, James 
Palmer, Charles 
Palmer, Daniel W. 
Ferine, James 
Pope, George 
Pollock, J. 
Purington, David H. 
Roach, — 
Reedmiller, A. 
Reynolds, Samuel 
Range, George 
Range, Samuel 
Speer, John M. 
Snyder, Rev. S. S. 
Stewart, Henry 
Smith, Charles 
Schwab, John 
Sanger, George H. 
Sargeant, G. H. 
Stonestreet, Benj. 
Stone, Nathan 
Swan, L. L. 
Thorpe, S. M. 
Trask, Josiah C. 
Turk, — 
Wise, Louis 
Williamson, W. T. 
Zimmerman, John 

Wood, James 

Waugh, Addison 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 245 

The number of men with Quantrill has been variously esti- 
mated. Some have placed it as high as six liundred, and 
some as low as one hundred and seventy-five. The first num- 
ber is altogether too high, and the second is altogether too 
low. There is no reason to question the substantial accuracy 
of the statement at the beginning of this account, that two 
hundred and ninety-four answered to the roll call at Lone 
Jack before starting. While in Lawrence some of the raiders 
were free to talk of themselves. These said they had something 
over three hundred men. When they charged into town they 
passed Avithin three hundred yards of the writer of this sketch, 
and he saw the whole body pass from his windov/. They 
seemed a long time passing, and there could not have been 
less than three hundred. They were counted two or three 
times on the way by persons who saw them pass along the 
road. All these testimonies concur in making the number of 
the raiders about three hundred. 

As may well be supposed, the raiders differed very much in 
their spirit. Some were like fiends incarnate. No tales of 
savage warfare could surpass their barbarity. Others again 
were as humane as men well could be who came on such an 
errand. They would allow the women to get out the furniture 
before they burned the houses, in some cases even helping 
them to lift heavy articles. They sometimes expressed regret 
at the necessity of burning the houses; they were under 
orders. Some even advised men to keep out of the way. A 
young man who talked with Mrs. Gurdon Grovenor said he 
had never intended to take part in such a scene as this had 
proved to be. "They told me they were only coming up to 
recover some stolen horses. I have not killed a man nor 
burnt a house yet, and I do not mean to." But the more 
humane' sentiment of the few did not change the general 
result very much. In all mobs the worst men give tone to 
the whole affair. If a more moderate set spared a house, a 



246 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

more violent set would come next and burn it. But in judg- 
ing of the raiders we must not assume that they were all fiends 
alike, or that they all assented to what the worst men did. 

The number killed can never be exactly known. As nearly 
as could be ascertained there were one hundred and forty-two. 
This included the missing who never returned, two or three. 
A few of the wounded died later, and possibly some were 
killed who were never heard of. One hundred and fifty would 
not be far out of the way for the whole number. Then there 
were about thirty wounded. It was estimated that the raid 
made eighty widows and two hundred and fifty orphans. 

The amount of property destroyed is still more difficult to 
estimate. There were about seventy-five buildings burned on 
the business street, and all their contents destroyed or stolen. 
There were about one hundred dwelling houses burned, and 
most of those not burned were ransacked and robbed, and 
many of them partially burned. Then most of the women 
had their money, jewelry, watches, etc., taken from them. 
Mrs. F. W. Read who so heroically saved her house had to 
give them the bracelets of her little girl who was dead. She 
begged to be allowed to keep them, but they said "her dead 
baby would not need them anymore." There was not much 
left in Lawrence when their work was done. There was one 
double store standing, but the goods were gone, and two 
clerks lay dead on the floor; a few houses remained unburned, 
but bare; the women and children were alive, but robbed of 
all their money and valuables; possibly half the men were still 
living, but in hiding, and glad to escape with their lives. 
This was about the condition of things. As careful an esti- 
mate as could be made placed the loss at about one million 
and a half of dollars. Two-thirds of the people had no homes, 
not many of the men had a complete suit of clothes, Tew had 
any money. There were no clothes in town to be bought 
and there were only four sacks of flour for sale. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 247 

But what did the people do? The spirit of humanit}^ which 
always asserts itself at such a time, had full play. Those who 
had houses shared them with those who were homeless, and 
those who had bread shared it with those who had none. But 
this would not have sufficed. There were probably not pro- 
visions enough in the whole town to supply the people forty- 
eight hours. - But before the first day was over, the kind- 
hearted farmers from all around drove in with wagon loads of 
vegetables, and such things as they had, and dealt them out 
freely to all who needed. The neighboring towns, Leaven- 
worth, Wyandotte, Topeka and other places, hurried off 
wagon loads of provisions and clothing and all things needed 
by their stricken neighbors. As the news spread the circle of 
sympathy extended, and help poured in from distant parts, 
and all who needed were supplied. In the more distant 
places, this sympathy expressed itself in more substantial 
help, giving assistance in re-building. The friends in St. 
Louis, for example, raised a fund of some ten thousand dol- 
lars, and put into the hands of the city to be loaned without 
interest to parties desiring to build. When the money was 
repaid the city was to hold it for an educational fund, and it 
was afterwards turned over to the State University. 

For some days after the raid not much thought was given 
to the future. The terrible present occupied all hearts and 
hands. The dead must be buried, the wounded cared for, 
and the immediate necessities of life secured. Fully half the 
remaining population were homeless, and many who saved 
their homes lost everything else. There was a general spirit 
of accommodation, and it came very near to the condition of 
"having all thing common." Those who had shared with 
those who had not. Every house that remained did its ut- 
most to meet the pressing need for shelter. Many families 
were reduced to narrow quarters and short rations, but none 
suffered from want. Many who had lived in comfortable 



248 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

homes were glad to secure one or two small rooms in which 
to begin again their home life. Small rooms, however, were 
usually ample for all the household effects, and small as they 
were they often seemed bare with their very scant)' furniture. 
If people had to move, as was often the case, it was a small 
matter. A man with a wheelbarrow could transfer them from 
one house to another in an hour or so. The houses were some- 
times very full, and the supplies sometimes rather scant, but 
no one was left unsheltered, and no one was allowed to go 
hungry. Many had lost most of their clothing, and those who 
had two coats divided with those who had none, and all were 
comfortably, if not fashionably clad. 

But the future was coming right along, and must be faced. 
"What shall we do," was a question that must be met. "The 
birds of ill omen" were in "high feather," and their croaking 
filled the air. "Lawrence had received its deathblow," "the 
rebels had burned it once and the)- would do it again." "It 
was folly to attempt to rebuild the town." In addition to this 
there was a constant sense of exposure and peril. That three 
hundred men could come fifty miles in the night, and pounce 
upon them without a whisper of warning, was a revelation to the 
people. They had assured themselves so many times that such 
a thing could not be done. There was no guessing what might 
come next. Frequent alarm kept them in a quiver. They had 
had alarms before and liad treated them as idle tales. They 
could not do so any more. The wildest alarm occurred on Sun- 
day evening the second day after the raid. A farmer two or 
three miles below the town had been burning some straw. Some 
one on the hills some distance away seeing the flame, mounted 
his horse and galloped into town, screaming at the top of his 
voice: "They are coming again, they are coming again; run 
for your lives, run for your lives." He that heard ran and 
hollowed. The report spread like wild-fire, and in a few 
minutes men, women and children were wildly running down 



ft — T5, 



5 -=2 5 







?L:5 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 249 

the different streets towards the river, uttering the most pierc- 
ing screams as they ran. The impression was that the enemy 
was right upon them. Some recovered themselves from the 
panic in a few minutes, and a hundred or more men were soon 
assembled in the center of the town, and the guns from the 
armory were given out to them. They sent out scouts to learn 
the origin of the alarm, and they very soon ascertained the 
state of affairs. But most of those who ran did not turn back 
to learn the contradiction of the report. They kept on till 
they found a hiding place. Some crossed the river, and some 
hid themselves in the cornfields outside the town. A cold 
drizzly rain set in during the night, and many of the fugitives 
remained out till midnight. Some few women as well as men 
remained owt all night in the cold rain, fancying the town was 
being sacked again. The horror of that Sunda}- night was in 
some respects worse than the raid itself. At the raid there 
Avas no panic and no outcry. Everybody w^as calm and quiet. 
There had been no warning and there was no escape. But 
this night alarm gave room for the wildest imaginations and 
the most exaggerated fears. It unnerved the bravest with its 
imdefined dread. In some respects; panic is worse than peril. 
People who passed through the raid without flinching, were 
xitterly unstrung and demoralized by this Sunday night panic. 
But in spite of fears and perils and pains, the courageous 
spirit continually gained ground. The better sentiment of 
the people never settled upon but one conclusion. Lawrence 
must be rebuilt at all hazzards, and rebuilt at once. More 
and more the people began to insist that every house must be 
replaced, and every business block renewed. This became 
the dominant thought, and in an incredibly short time it be- 
gan to take form. They had not been able to save Lawrence 
from destruction, but they must put her back as she was. 
Before the fires were out they began to lay plans for rebuild- 
ing. One of the first to begin to build was the grocery firm 



250 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

of Ridenour & Baker. They had lost their building and a 
heavy stock of goods. Mr. Ridenour's home was burned and 
all in it. Mr. Baker was so severely wounded that he lay 
lingering between life and death. In spite of all this, work 
was commenced on a new building, and business resumed in 
a small way, before a week had passed. In clearing away 
the ruins, the barrows blazed with the live embers as the work- 
men wheeled them out from the old cellar. In the line of 
unconquerable pluck the equal of this would be hard to find. 
Simpson brothers, bankers, lost everything except their safe. 
This the raiders were not able to open or demolish, and it 
stood the fire without damage. With what remained in the 
safe the firm resumed business at once, and began rebuilding. 
Inside the old walls they built a cheap structure of wood, 
which could be thrown together in a couple of days. Then 
they put in the foimdation and reared the building of brick 
around and over their temporary shelter. W. E. Sutliff had 
built up a very extensive clothing business. He had a large 
stock of goods, he lost everything but his home, and had to 
begin again as he began six years before. But he at once 
erected a better building, filled it with a better stock of goods, 
and prepared to do a larger business. B. W. Woodward lost 
building and goods. But he at once selected a better site, 
erected a handsomer building, and put in a larger stock of 
drugs. J. G. Sands had a large harness establishment. It 
was all consumed. He at once replaced his wooden store 
with one of brick and stone, and filled it better than before. 
For years his advertisement told his history in a sentence: 
"Established in 1855; stood the drought in i860; totally de- 
stroyed in 1863; defies all competition in 1864." This surely 
was making one's misfortunes serve as aid to success. Lor- 
ing Guild & Son lost store and home. The father was away. 
When the raiders entered the son, E. B. Guild, who was a 
member of the guard, seized his musket and started out. but 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 25 1 

saw the town was in their hands, and he could do no more than 
save himself. Mrs. Guild remained at home and saw the 
house burned, but saved most of the furniture. They rebuilt 
and restocked their store and resumed business at once. 

These are but samples of the whole community-. The sen- 
timent for rebuilding was universal. Everybody said: "We 
must put Lawrence right back better than she was." The 
restoring of Lawrence became a sort of religious obligation. 
It was a matter of conscience with them that they should all 
stand by the town. There were business reasons, too, for 
immediate restoration. They who rebuilt and resumed at 
once would retain their trade, and in many cases that was a 
fortune, and in all cases a promise. In a few week the work 
of rebuilding was going on all along the business street, and all 
over town. Before winter came Lawrence began to look like 
a town again. A number of buildings were completed that 
autumn, and a still larger number were well under way. In 
almost every instance the new buildings were better than the 
old, and the stocks of goods larger than before. 

But all the while they were rebuilding the town they were 
compelled to defend it. Every man took his turn on guard, 
and stood ready at a moment's notice to rally to the defense 
of the place. Rumors of danger were constantly coming, and 
no rumor was so idle that the people could afford to ignore it. 
Thus like the Jews of old did these men work, "every one 
with one of his hands wrought in the work, and with the other 
he held a weapon." In a few weeks however, they were par- 
tially relieved. The military authorities sent two companies 
of United States troops to protect the town, and the}'' remained 
until the close of the war. They threw up earthworks and 
built a stockade on the point of the hill southeast of the uni- 
versity, and planted two or three cannon there. This over- 
looked the whole Wakarusa valle}^, and would be an effective 
defense against any force coming in that direction. These 



252 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

troops were under the command of Major E. G. Ross, after- 
wards United States senator, and still later governor of New 
Mexico. The soldiers were received with great delight, and 
nothing was too good for them. Major Ross, who was a very 
genial gentleman, soon became the most popular man in town. 
The people now felt comfortably secure. They knew there 
would always be a reliable picket guard out every night, and 
that it would be impossible to surprise them again. As winter 
came on the sense of security became still stronger, as guer- 
rilla operations had to be suspended as soon as the leaves fell 
from the trees and exposed the hiding places. By spring the 
usual tone had been restored, and affairs went on as before. 
Building continued, new men and new capital came in, and 
Lawrence bid fair to out-do her former self. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Another Summer. — Lawrence Restored. — Improvements. — 
The New Bridge. — Enlargement. — New Alarms. — 
Price Is Coming. — Preparations for Defense. — Martial 
Law.— Militia Ordered Out. — The Battles or the 
Blue. — A Night of Anxiety. — "Jov Co.meth in the 
Morning." — The War Is Over. — Peace at Last. 

The winter of 1863 and '4 was a severe one. In spite of all 
that had been done, man}- of the people of Lawrence were as 
illy prepared to meet its severity as were the early settlers of 
1855. In families accustomed to every comfort, the supply of 
clothing and bedding was very scant, and people accustomed 
to spacious and comfortable homes, were compelled to live in 
very contracted quarters. They were glad to find shelter in 
single rooms, in garrets and basements, or unfurnished houses 
wherever they could find cover. The writer of this was per- 
haps a fair example of the more fortunate of those who lost 
everything. He secured one small room and little half story 
garret, and thought himself very fortunate. About Christmas 
he was compelled to leave these quarters and take a single 
room. He made the change while the thermometer registered 
ten degrees below zero. But fortunately his household effects 
were so few that a single man with a wheelbarrow made the 
transfer in a couple of hours, and he was established in his 
new quarters in a single afternoon. This room was so cold 
that they were compelled to hang quilts around the stove in 
the coldest weather to shut in a little space where they could 
be comfortable. Even this shelter they had to leave early in 
the spring, and find other accommodations. When spring 
came building was resumed and everybody was busy repair- 
ing losses and restoring what had been destroyed. 



254 ^ HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

With tlie spring, however, there came a renewal of the 
alarms of the year before. The people was kept constantly 
on the alert. The bushwhackers returned with the returning 
leaves, and rumors of their coming were frequent. It was not 
as easy to enter Kansas as it had been. The union soldiers 
had learned the bushwhackers' tactics, and could follow 
wherever the}' could flee. They knew their hiding places, and 
they could dash around among the rocks and through the 
thickets, as well as those who had been born and bred in the 
jungle. Besides this, General Ewing's famous "Order No. 
II" had stripped the border counties of Missouri of supplies, 
so that the bushwhackers were compelled to find their hiding 
places and their maintainance thirty miles farther back from 
the Kansas border. As a result of all this, Kansas was not 
much disturbed during the summer of 1864. The bush- 
whackers continued their depredations, however, on xmion 
men in Missouri, and on isolated bodies of union troops. 
Some of the most tragic scenes of the war were enacted in 
Missouri during this summer. Quantrill disappeared from 
the scene early in the season, but his successor. Bill Ander- 
son, though not fully equal to Quantrill in skill or courage, 
far surpassed him in cold-blooded brutality. What was 
known as the "Centralia massacre," where twenty-four sick 
and wounded soldiers were taken from a railway train which 
was bearing them to their homes, and were all shot in cold 
blood, is only a fair sample of his work. But he never came 
into Kansas after the raid at Lawrence. 

But these operations in Missouri were too near to leave the 
people of Lawrence entirely at their ease. Rumors were thick 
and the people were peculiarly sensitive to them. Their ex- 
perience had made them sensitive. All the guerrilla move- 
ments in Missouri had their effect in Lawrence, for no one 
knew how soon they might turn their attention that way. 
Reports of the coming of some foe were frequent, and it was 



iJ^fa 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 255 

no uncommon thing for all the people to be called out at mid- 
night by some alarming story. The report that alarmed them 
at night was always found to be false in the morning, but so 
had all reports that preceded the raid. They reasoned from 
this. A score of rumors might prove false but the next might 
be true. Rumors meant more to them than before, and they 
were not disposed to treat lightly even the more unlikely re- 
ports. The slightest alarm would bring all the people to 
their windows. The firing of a gun at night, or the galloping 
of a horseman through the streets, would bring all the men to 
their places of rendezvous in a very few minutes. Any un- 
usual noise at night would startle the whole town. One night 
for example, the whistle of one of the mills kept sounding an 
unaccountably long time.* It was about one o'clock at night, 
but it awakened the whole town, and in a few minutes, 
men with their rifles were running from all directions towards 
the mill. It was found that the machinery was out of order 
and the whistle could not be stopped. They all laughed at 
each other as they turned homeward, but they were just as 
ready to rally at the next alarm. 

The men were organized into military companies, and had 
regular times for drill. There were five companies, one of 
which was composed of men beyond the age of military ser- 
vice. They were called the "Silver Grays." The state 
furnished the arms, but one rifle company armed themselves 
with the best repeating rifles. This company was composed 
mostly of business and professional men. The city built five 
block houses at the different points of approach, and each 
company was given charge of one of these block houses. 
Each company was divided into sections, and one of these 
sections slept in the block house every night. There were, 
therefore, always fifty men or more ready for immediate ser- 
vice. These were intended as a nucleus around which the 
rest could rally as they came. The rifle company occupied 



256 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

the block house at the crossing of Massachusetts and Berkley 
streets, and was on the line of Quantrill's approach. 

In the midst of all these alarms and all this military demon- 
strations, building went steadily on. The business street was 
built up again almost solid, and many of the houses were re- 
stored, and new houses were erected. Many improvements 
were made. The Lawrence Bridge company had been incor- 
porated in 1859. It was organized with Carmi Wv^Babcock 
as president; Josiah Miller, treasurer; and E. D. Thompson, 
as secretary. They began to build the bridge in 1863, and 
had the work well under way when Quantrill came. In the 
raid one sub-contractor, and seven workmen were killed, and 
a large amount of material destroyed. The company, how- 
ever, resumed work very soon, and "the bridge was opened for 
travel at the beginning of 1864. The structure cost about 
$40,000. For many years it was the only bridge across the 
Kansas river except at its mouth, and it drew to itself an im- 
mense amount of travel. It proved to be a very profitable in- 
vestment for the company. 

The first railroad, too, was built to Lawrence this year. 
The Union Pacific railroad began work on its Kansas line at 
Kansas City in 1S64, and by September of that year the rails 
were laid as far as Lawrence, though regular trains did not 
run till several months later. 

The school board also had plans to build a school house. 
The site Avas selected, money arranged for, and plans agreed 
upon. On account of the troubles in the autumn the matter 
lay over another year. It seems a little singular that a people 
as much interested in education as those of Lawrence should 
be ten years without a school house. The delay is easily un- 
derstood by those familiar with the disturbed condition of af- 
fairs. This delay in building did not indicate any lack of 
interest in schools. Whittier knew his men when he sang: 
" Wo KO to plant tho corniuon school 
'On distant prairie swells." 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 257 

The first settlers of Lawrence opened a free school before 
many of them had a roof over their heads. At first the school 
was supported by private subscriptions, and made free to all 
who would come. As the place grew, citizens met and ap- 
pointed a committee on schools. Dr. S. B. Prentiss was 
chairman of this committee. He was a "southern man with 
northern principles." He came from Georgia but was an ar- 
dent free-state man. He held several positions and did valu- 
able service for the free-state cause. He was a very calm, 
soft-spoken man, but full of purpose and persistence. In the 
matter of schools he was simply chairman of a voluntary com- 
mittee, but he went to work as zealously as if he had been a 
public officer with a good salary. In 1857 the Quincy high 
school was opened in the basement rooms of the Unitarian 
church, which had been arranged with that in view. Mr. 
Charles L. Edwards was principal. He was assisted by Miss 
Lucy M. Wilder, Miss Sarah A. Brown, Miss Lizzie P. Has- 
kell and Miss Isabella G. Oakley. This school acquired quite 
a reputation, and there went out from it many students who 
have made their mark in Kansas histor}'. The next year the 
city government was organized and the schools came imder 
the control of a board of school trustees of which Dr. Albert ' 
Newman was secretary. The next year Mr. Edwards became 
county superintendent and Mr. C. W. Adams succeeded as 
principal of the high school. A year later Mr. Adams entered 
the army and served as a colonel to the close of the war. 
Then came S. M. Thorpe, a graduate of Union college, New 
York, a fine scholar, a poet and a wit. He was a man of 
chivalrous spirit, with a large intellect and a large heart. He 
was cultured, bright and breezy, and filled all his scholars 
with his own enthusiastic spirit. After two years of teaching 
he was chosen to the state senate, and was a candidate for 
state superintendent of instructions at the time of his death. 
Right at the beginning of his career he was treacherously 



258 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

murdered by Quantrill's ruffians. As soon as could be after 
the raid, the schools were reorganized. Mrs. Mary Carpenter, 
the wife of Judge Carpenter who was so brutally murdered by 
Quantrill, was principal of the high school for a number of 
years. She was a woman of remarkably strong character and 
a very highly accomplished teacher. The other teachers also 
were no less efficient in the work assigned them. The need 
•of better accommodations was everywhere felt. The schools 
were kept in rented rooms wherever these could be found, the 
high school being in the basement of the Unitarian church. 
The school board, therefore, pressed the matter of building. 
They wanted to build three buildings in different sections of 
the town. But for economy's sake the city council decided to 
erect one central building first. The plans for this were 
matured when the disturbances of the autumn put an end to 
all plans except those pertaining to the public safety. 

In the midst of all this progress, and just as the people were 
becoming accustomed to the new order of things, and were 
feeling fairly comfortable in their security, a new peril loomed 
up in the distance. This was the approach of General Sterl- 
ing Price, with an army of some twenty thousand men. 
Rumors of his coming were heard as early as August. Price 
was in Arkansas gathering supplies and evidently intending 
some forward movement. Just what he was intending to do 
nobody knew. It might be to "redeem Missouri," or it might 
be to "chastise Kansas." In either case Kansas would be in- 
volved. General Price was a citizen of Missouri, and had 
been held in high esteem. He had served as a general of 
volunteers in the Mexican war, and had won some distinction. 
He had been governor of Missouri, and when the rebellion 
broke out he was in the confidence of Governor Claiborne F. 
Jackson. He was an advocate of secession, and he and 
Governor Jackson did all in their power to swing Missouri into 
the confederate column. They were defeated by the prompt 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLIOX. 259 

action of Captain Lyon, who was in command of the union 
forces at St. Louis. The governor and his major general were 
both compelled to flee the state. General Price had tried 
several times to return and "redeem Missouri," as he called 
it, from the grasp of the union forces. He now had an army 
of some twenty thousand veteran troops, and was evidently 
coming into Missouri, or into Kansas, or both. 

These undefined rumors had more effect in Lawrence than 
anywhere else. The people of Lawrence had had an object 
lesson, and knew what a rebel invasion meant. It was not 
supposed that General Price would repeat the barbarities of 
Quantrill. He was a general in the regular confederate ser- 
vice, and an honorable soldier. But his coming would be a 
signal for all the guerrillas in Missouri to pour over into Kan- 
sas. While Price himself would be governed by the usual 
rules of w^ar, he w^ould have with him several thousand bush- 
whackers over whom he would have no control, and could 
exercise no restraint. As Price lingered and hovered, there- 
fore, the LawTence people watched his movements with ner- 
vous anxiety. 

The latter part of September Price began to move north- 
ward, but deflected towards the east. He captured Pilot 
Knob, the garrison escaping, and then moved towards St. 
Louis. After threatening St. Louis a while, he turned west- 
ward and besieged Jefferson City, the capital of the state. 
Without any serious attempt to capture the place, however, 
he raised the siege on the eighth da)^ of October and marched 
still westward with his whole force. There was no longer any 
doubt as to his intention. He was coming to Kansas to chas- 
tise her for the part she had taken in the struggle. Lawrence 
was in his direct line of march, and must be included in his 
plan. There was no time to lose, for a very few days would 
bring Price to their doors. The governor issued a proclama- 
tion the very day Price left Jefferson City, calling out the 
entire militia of the state, and putting the whole state under 



26o A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

martial law. The proclamation was sent by special messen- 
gers to all parts of the state, and in four days sixteen thous- 
and men had responded, and over ten thousand militia were 
on the border ready to meet Price. General Curtis had some 
three thousand regular troops at Kansas City, and nineteen or 
twenty pieces of artillery. This was not a very strong force 
to withstand the onset of twenty thousand veterans well sup- 
plied with cannon. 

The news of the governor's proclamation reached Lawrence 
Sunday noon, October gth. It met the people at the close of 
morning service in the churches. All further services for the 
day were suspended, and one thought occupied all minds, 
Monday morning the military companies were ordered to as- 
semble on the open space just west of town. Every man was 
ordered to come with arms and ammunition and whatever was 
needed for the march and the camp. The five Lawrence com- 
panies responded promptly, and were mustered into the ser- 
vice of the United States. 

The governor's proclamation made no exceptions. "Every 
man from sixteen to sixty" was ordered out. And there no 
shrinking. It was not a mere matter of patriotism or state 
pride, but every man had a personal interest in the issue. 
Price must be beaten or Kansas desolated. The ranks of the 
militia companies were full. Everybody came, and came 
promptly. There were merchants and ministers, lawj'ers and 
doctors, laboring men and men of leisure, all shouldering 
their muskets and taking their places in the ranks. No one 
asked to be excused no matter what his emergency might be. 
For the public emergency overtowered all private considera- 
tions. One young man, a banker, had his wedding day set 
for the second day after the general rally. But even the old 
Jewish exemption did not avail, and he was mustered in with 
his company' and marched to the front leaving his expectant 
bride to wait 

"Till tlie cruel war was o'er." 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 261 

Price, however, very kindly delayed his coming, and on Wed- 
nesday the young man secured a furlough, came home and 
was married at the appointed time, and returned to camp. 
There was no distinction or class or condition. Solon O. 
Thacher had been judge of the district court, and was at this 
time a candidate for governor of the state, to be voted on in 
a few days. But he went with the militia to the front, and 
took his place in the ranks with the rest. 

And they rallied from all quarters. Not only from Law- 
rence, but from the country round about they came. Some of 
the companies from the country joined with those from town, 
and others marched from more convenient points. What was 
true about Lawrence was true all over the state. So general 
was the response that a man coming seventy-five miles through 
the country a few days later, saw only two men in the whole 
distance, and they were too old to be of service. Had all the 
Lawrence companies been marched away, there would hardly 
been a score of men left in the town. 

After the formalities of the muster, and an inspection of 
arms by the officers, the men were ordered to fall in line, and 
prepare to march. The Lawrence companies contained about 
four hundred men. About ten o'clock everything was ready, 
and they were ordered to march. They went first to town, 
then down Massachusetts street, and then eastward towards 
Kansas City. There had been no hint thus far that any would 
be left in Lawrence, and all alike prepared for the march and 
camp and were expecting to go to the front. But as they 
were marching down Massachusetts street, the rifle company 
and one other, were cut off from the column, and taken to 
their block houses. These were to remain for the defense of 
the town. The other three companies went on to Kansas 
City, and remained in camp till the end of the campaign. 
The Lawrence brass band, which dated back to the earliest 
settlement, went with the Kansas City contingent, and en- 
livened the camp with their music. 



262 A HISTORY OF LAWREN'CE 

In the meantime nothing could be heard of Price or his 
army. He had left Jefferson Cit}- on the eighth, and moved 
westward. Since then he had given no sound or sign. His 
army lay somewhere in the great bend of the Missouri river 
near Boonville, but just where he was, or what he was doing, 
or what he intended to do, were mysteries nobody could solve. 
For nearly two weeks his movements were involved thus in 
mystery, and all inquiry seemed to be baffled. Some few began 
to look upon the whole thing as a gigantic hoax, practiced on 
them for some political purpose. But a more common feeling 
was that Price and his army were quietly slipping away, and 
that nothing would come of the Price invasion. It was a 
common remark that we should hear no more about Price. 
The militia at Kansas City became restless, wanted "to go 
home and attend to their fall plowing." Some even went so 
far as to complain that the governor had been hasty in calling 
out the militia, that there really had never been any danger of 
Price coming into Kansas. Most of them, however, took it 
all good-naturedly, and got what they could out of the experi- 
ence. It gave them a little taste of real military life, and 
some little experience in military drill. They were sworn in- 
to the United States service and subject to all the rules of 
military discipline, and a good many of the discomforts of 
camp life. 

Lawrence was forty miles from what was called the "seat 
of war," but felt as intensely as if she had been in the focus of 
it. All business was suspended, and all work laid aside, and 
just one thing occupied everyone's thought. The companies 
remaining at Lawrence were required to be "in camp" just as 
much as if they had been at the front, only their block houses 
served for camps. The}' drew rations like regular soldiers, 
and became familiar with government bacon and split peas. 
Old government Java was kept boiling in the camp kettle, 
and if it was not always clear, it was always strong and hot. 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 263 

Guard dnty was exacted as regularly as of veterans, and every 
belated traveler coming into town was compelled to "dis- 
mount, advance three paces and give the countersign," or in 
default, to be presented to the "officer of the guard." They 
had frequent drills, and were put through all the ordinary 
military evolutions, and were acquiring something of a 
soldierly step. Frequent target shootings developed their 
proficiency as marksmen. To most of them the handling of 
arms was no new experience. They were somewhat of an 
awkward squad in the manual, but when it came to shooting 
they were at home. "An October freeze" added to the 
variet}- of their life, if not to its comfort. One night two or 
three inches of snow fell, and these soldiers "pro tem," found 
themselves covered with an extra blanket in the morning, not 
provided for in the regulations. The block houses were built 
to keep out bullets. They were not proof against snow flakes. 
"The cold snap" continued two or three days, and part of 
the time it was quite severe. But this only added the spice 
of variety to their monotonous life as they were "waiting for 
Price." 

The "boys" as usual managed to get some fun out of the 
affair, grim and wearisome as it was. The most important 
practical joke was the "trial of Dr. Leiby." Dr. Leiby was 
an eccentric old gentlemen quite independent in his ways. 
He was placed on guard one day, and was to be releived at 
five o'clock. It was arranged that the relief should be a trifle 
late. When the hour came the doctor considered his time up, 
and went home. "The relief" coming up a moment later 
found the post deserted. The matter was reported and a de- 
tail sent to Dr. Leiby's house to arrest him for deserting his 
post. Under martial law this was a serious charge, and the 
doctor at first was very much alarmed. A court martial was 
organized and he was put on trial. But the doctor was 
shrewd and soon saw by the way things went on, that it was 



264 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

a "put up job." He entered into the joke as heartily as any 
of them, and rather spoiled the fun for "the boys." 

In spite of all these diversions and variations, the time 
dragged heavily. Shut in as they were they knew little of what 
was going on below. They had nothing to do but to drill and to 
shoot, and eat and stand guard. Much as they dreaded Price's 
coming they almost began to dread longer delay as much. 
They began to think anything would be a relief from the 
monotony. It had almost ceased to be a suspense, for the 
feeling became common that Price would disappear and the 
whole thing would end and their soldier life be recalled as a 
huge joke. The prevalent hope was, that whatever Price was 
going to do, he would do it quickly and let it be over. 

About October 20th, Price was "found." The advance 
guard of the union arm}- met him near Lexington marching 
rapidly westward in full force. The next day, Friday, he came 
up to the line of the Blue river, the union advance retiring as 
he came, but contesting stubbornly every inch of ground. 
Saturday, October 22nd, he made an advance along the whole 
line of the Blue, forcing the union troops back at every point. 
In the afternoon he was practicalh* master of the field. The 
union troops were being forced in upon Kansas Cit)-, and it 
seemed as if they could do little more than concentrate and 
defend that post. Two regiments of militia were ordered to 
march to Lawrence that night, to aid in its defence. It seemed 
as if there was nothing which could hinder Price's army from 
sweeping over Kansas. About five o'clock there came a turn in 
affairs which meant as much to Kansas as the coming of Blucher 
meant to the English at Waterloo. In a speech before the 
old soldiers a few months ago. Judge Solon O. Thacher de- 
scribed this scene in very vivid colors: "About five o'clock 
Saturday afternoon, October 22nd, 1864, I was standing with 
some of the officers of the union army on a high knoll near 
Kansas City, looking over the field. Our boys were every- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIiELLION. 265 

where fighting bravely, but along the whole line they were 
being slowly pressed back by Price's men. He would soon 
be in position to detach a body of his troops to over run Kan- 
sas. We all knew what that meant, home and all we held 
dear would soon be at the mercy of this conquering army. 
Looking eastward at this moment we saw a great cloud of 
dust rising a few miles below Kansas City. We could only 
see it was moving our way, and we were sure it was a body of 
troops. Who could it be? Was it reinforcements for Price 
to complete his victory and our desolation, or was it Pleasan- 
ton's cavalry coming to our relief? We watched the cloud of 
dust anxiously as it moved rapidly up the river. After a little 
they came up to the rear of the rebel army. Then as we 
watched anxiously we saw them charge upon the rebel lines. 
We now knew it was Pleasanton with his five thousand 
veteran cavalry, and the fortunes of battle were changed." 
It proved to be General Pleasanton with five thousand fresh 
troops who had been following from below ever since Price 
had left Jefferson City. They soon broke through the rebel 
lines and joined the union forces in front. 

Before night the rebel advance was checked. The next 
morning the union forces renewed the battle at the earliest 
dawn, and Price was driven towards Arkansas. 

At Lawrence the people were in a state of anxious suspense 
all this time. There were in the town two companies of regu- 
lars and two companies of militia, probably about three hun- 
dred men. These would make but a feeble stand against any 
such force as Price would be likely to send. Defeat at Kan- 
sas City meant the destruction of Lawrence the second time. 
On Saturday, as the news kept coming of the rebel advance 
and of rebel successes, the people began to prepare for the 
worst. A large train of empty government wagons happened 
just then to pass through the town, and the merchants per- 
suaded those in charge to load them with goods. Clothing and 



266 ' A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

dry goods and other merchandise were packed into these 
wagons, and the officers requested to keep them out of Price's 
hands. Families also filled trunks and boxes with clothing and 
sent them out into the country. Many people buried their valu- 
ables in the yard. They thus hoped to save something if the 
town were burned again. The men were mostly relieved from 
duty Saturday afternoon, that they might look after their 
goods and their homes, and put things in as good a shape as 
possible in case an attack should be made. It seemed quite 
probable the town would be attacked before morning. There 
was no panic and no excitement. The women as well as the 
men went cooly to work to prepare for the worst. At sun- 
down the men came together again at the block houses ready 
for the duties of the night. Orders were given that the men 
should sleep on their arms, that the fires and lights should all 
be put out at nine o'clock, and that there should be no loud 
talking. The coming of General Pleasanton and the turning 
of the tide of battle at Kansas City were not known in Law- 
rence till the next morning. They had simply heard that the 
union troops had been forced back and flanked, and that no 
obstruction lay between Price's army and Lawrence. A few 
hours would suffice to bring the enemy upon them. There 
was not much sleep in the block houses that night, and pre- 
sumably not much in the homes where the situation was fully 
understood. All night long stragglers were coming up from 
the battle field below. They each told a doleful tale inspired 
by their fears more than by the facts. According to these re- 
ports the union forces had been completely flanked, and Price 
was at liberty to go where he pleased. At three o'clock the 
whole force was ordered out and marched around for an hour 
or two, in consequence of some reports received at head- 
quarters, that the enemy was within a few hours march of the 
town. As there was no confirmation of the report, the men 
were permitted to lie down again and rest till morning. It 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 267 

was a night long to be remembered, anight of undefined fears, 
and of gloomy reports. It \vas all the more gloomy from the 
fact that no reliable information could be obtained. Rumors 
were thick, but they could be neither confirmed nor refuted. 
It was a glorious night for the croakers. They had things 
pretty much their own way. They exaggerated every rumor 
and expatiated on every fear. The utter uncertainty of the 
situation added to the gloom. They might be attacked in an 
hour, or they might not be attacked at all. They might be 
attacked by five hundred men against whom there would be 
some hope of success, or they might be attacked by five 
thousand men against whom resistance would be madness. 
Everybody, however, kept his place, and there was a general 
determination to await the event, and to do the best they 
could in whatever situation the future might reveal. 

In the morning the prospect very much brightened. There 
was no news, but there was no foe in sight and none to be 
heard of. Daylight dissipated the uncertainties of the night. 
The predictions and fears of the night had not been fulfilled. 
Price had not come as predicted, and that was so much to- 
ward the conclusion that he would not come. About ten 
o'clock there was further news from the battle field. The 
coming of Pleasanton, the turning of the tide of battle the 
night before, and the prospect of complete victory, changed 
the gloom into gladness. It was Simday and it became a day 
of general thanksgiving. There were no public services held, 
no gathering of the people. Every man was required to be in 
his place, but every man felt thankful. The Sabbath that 
began in fears, ended in peace and rejoicing. The sense of 
relief was general and profound. 

The next morning, Monday, more full reports came in. 
The details of the battle were reported, the marvelous deliver- 
ance in the very nick of time, the completeness of the victory. 
Price's army was not simply checked, it was routed, and was 



268 A HISTORY OF LAWRENCE 

flying southward to escape capture and destruction. The 
union cavalry were in hot pursuit. The militia companies 
from below were coming home that morning. They were 
coming upon the new railroad, and they were to cross the new 
bridge. Never were returning heroes welcomed home with 
more general rejoicing than were these veteran militia-men of 
three weeks' service. The whole population turned out to 
meet them at the bridge. The two companies in town forgot 
they were soldiers, and rushed down to the bridge helter- 
skelter like a lot of school boys let loose. The troops came 
over the bridge in military order, preceded by the dear old 
Lawrence band playing: 

'• When Johnny came marrhiiig liome iisiiin." 

They were dusty and bronzed, and had evidently had a 
rougher time than those who had been left behind. As they 
came up Massachusetts street, all the people did shout, and 
the whole town was one scene of gladness. The returning 
companies soon broke ranks and hastened to their homes. 
In a few days the order came and the militia-men were mus- 
tered out, and resumed their voluntary service as before. 

"Price's invasion" was the last of the war for Kansas. She 
was not disturbed any more. The season was too advanced 
for guerrilla operations, and in a few weeks the falling of the 
leaves and the coming of winter, gave a sense of absolute se- 
curity. Everybody was now comfortably housed, and the 
winter passed quietly and without any marked incident. In 
the spring came Appomatox and the surrender of Lee's army, 
and the end of the war. No people in the land were in a con- 
dition to appreciate the blessedness of peace as were those of 
Lawrence. From the first settlement until now the\- had 
never known quiet. It had been wars and rumors of war for 
ten 3-ears. The town had been besieged and sacked, burned 
and butchered again and again. When one trouble ended an- 
other began, and when one difficulty was settled another ap- 



TO THE CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 269 

peared. And the people of Lawrence were not lovers of 
strife. Her people were lovers of order and peace. They 
only stood in the gap for conscience sake and not from prefer- 
ence. Now peace had come after all these years of strife. 
And it was peace that would stay. The roots of the conflict 
were gone. Not only was Kansas a free state^ but slavery it- 
self was abolished. Kansas had won her case, not for herself 
alone but for the nation. She had not stood in the focus of 
the fight for naught. When Lawrence realized that peace 
was reall}' assured, it seemed as if a new sun had arisen in the 
heavens, and a new atmosphere had given vigor to life. 

And peace found Lawrence prosperous as she had never 
been before. The ravages of Quantrill had been more than 
restored. Nearly all the business houses and dwellings de- 
stroyed had -been replaced by better, and nearly every busi- 
ness broken up had been resumed and enlarged. The popu- 
lation had increased, and the town had spread beyond the 
former limits. Now under the "benign influences of peace" 
she could look forward to years of progress and prosperity. 
She could appreciate, for all there was in it, the motto of the 
state seal, 

* * Ad asira per aspera. " 



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